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IN  sending  forth  this  "  History  of  Kett's  Rebellion"  to  the 
public,  I  am  anxious  to  state  briefly  the  object  I  had  in  view  in 
preparing  it  for  the  press,  and  rny  reason  for  undertaking  the  task. 

In  the  first  place,  then,  I  may  confess  to  my  readers,  that  the 
old  ruin,  overlooking  Norwich,  called  to  this  day  KETT'S  CASTLE,  now 
covered  with  ivy,  has  from  childhood  been  to  me  an  object  of  the 
deepest  interest,  and  eagerly  did  I,  in  years  gone  by,  collect  all  the 
information  I  could  glean  tending  to  throw  any  light  upon  the 
REBELLION,  with  which,  in  name  at  least,  it  was  so  closely  connected ; 
and  here  I  might  mention  the  especial  events  on  which  my  youthful 
imagination  loved  to  dwell,  of  which  the  Castle  was  the  scene,  and 
Kett  the  hero  :  but,  omitting  this,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  stating 
that,  as  time  rolled  on,  these  feelings  gained  strength,  and  the  more 
I  searched  into  such  records  of  these  transactions  as  were  accessible, 
the  more  interesting  did  the  information  become  to  me,  until  at  last 
I  formed  the  project  of  preparing  a  work  upon  the  subject,  to  con- 
sist chiefly  of  a  translation  (the  agreement  of  the  various  histories 
extant  pointing  to  it  as  their  common  origin)  of  Nevylle's  "  De 
Furoribus  Norfolciensium." 

Very  fortunately,  however,  when  this  was  nearly  completed,  I 
obtained  access  to  the  various  documents  preserved  at  the  State. 
Paper  Office,  the  Rolls  House  and  Rolls  Chapel,  the  Privy  Council 


Office,  the  Norwich  Records,  the  almost  boundless  stores  of  the 
British  Museum,  and  to  other  reliable  sources  of  information.  I 
then  resolved  to  undertake  a  work, — a  labour  of  love  to  me, — in 
which  it  should  be  my  endeavour  to  collect  and  arrange  as  full  and 
detailed  a  narrative  as  could  be  compiled,  of  the  events  of  that  stirring 
period  in  our  English  history,  in  which  Kett  and  his  followers  played 
a  by  no  means  unimportant  part. 

Though  retaining  the  word  "  Rebellion,"  my  impression  soon 
was  that  Kctt's  great  misfortune  had  been  to  live  before  his  time  ; 
that  his  efforts  and  those  of  his  truest  followers  had  been  directed, 
not  so  much  against  the  State,  as  against  the  feudal  system,  with 
its  manifold  extortions ;  that  their  conviction  was,  while  the  lower 
classes  owed  a  duty  to  the  higher,  the  latter  owed  a  duty  also  to 
them ;  and  though  there  was  Scripture  authority  for  rulers,  good 
or  evil,  to  exact  obedience, — an  authority  of  which  "  the  powers  that 
were"  readily  availed  themselves, — yet  the  sturdy  common  sense 
of  these  Norfolk  people  refused  to  accept  any  such  interpretation 
of  Scripture,  as  warranted  the  few  in  oppressing  the  many,  as 
sanctioned  man's  holding  his  fellow-men  in  slavery,  and  gave  up 
"  man  and  his  sequels  "  (all  he  was  and  all  he  had)  to  the  arbitrary 
will  of  any  lord  or  ruler  upon  earth  !  And  feeling  this,  I  was  anxious, 
as  far  as  lay  in  my  power,  to  set  forth  this  Rising  in  its  true  light, 
and  to  show,  though  Kett  is  commonly  considered  a  rebel,  yet  the 
cause  he  advocated  was  so  just,  that  one  cannot  but  feel  he  deserved 
a  better  name  and  better  fate. 

These,  then,  were  my  reasons  for  compiling  this  book,  to  which 
I  have  devoted  such  leisure  as  my  professional  engagements  have 
afforded  me  during  the  past  nine  years ;  and  I  would  humbly  trust 
that  my  efforts  to  elucidate  a  very  interesting  portion  of  our  history 
may  not  prove  altogether  in  vain.  I  am  aware  that  my  work  may, 
at  first  sight,  seem  to  be  acceptable  only  to  the  antiquarian  and 
the  historian ;  but  I  venture  to  hope  that  something  may  be  found  in 
its  pages  attractive  even  to  the  general  reader. 


In  conclusion,  I  would  beg  to  tender  my  heartfelt  and  grateful 
thanks  to  the  many  kind  friends  who  have  so  readily  afforded  me 
assistance,  and  especially  to  Sir  John  P.  Boileau,  Bart.,  the  Revs.  John 
Thomas,  D.C.L.,  Jos.  Grisdale  and  Alexander  Braddell ;  the  late 
Dawson  Turner,  F.S.A. ;  Goddard  Johnson,  Henry  Harrod,  F.S.A., 
W.  T.  Elliott,  G.  A.  Carthew,  F.S.A.,  Daniel  Gurney,  E.S.A.,  C.  H. 
Cooper,  F.S.A.,  William  Peckover,  E.S.A.,  Charles  J.  Palmer,  F.S.A., 
W.  C.  Ewing,  and  G.  W.  .W.  Minns,  Esqrs. ;  also  to  the  gentlemen 
connected  with  the  various  public  offices  at  which  I  have  been  a 
literary  searcher.  For  the  illustrations  I  am  indebted  to  Miss  H. 
Louisa  Grover,  J.  B/ichardson  Jackson,  Esq.,  and  to  Messrs.  Negretti 
and  Zambra,  by  whom  the  photographs  have  been  executed.  I  would 
also  tender  my  best  thanks  to  those  subscribers  by  whose  kindness 
I  have  been  encouraged  to  send  forth  this  work ;  while,  lastly,  I 
wish  thus  publicly  to  own  the  obligation  under  which  I  feel  to 
Mr.  William  Penny  for,  in  the  first  place,  the  great  care  and 
attention  he  has  bestowed  on  the  printing  of  the  work  ;  and  secondly, 
for  the  liberal  arrangements  he  has  made,  by  which  I  have  been 
enabled  to  publish  it. 




State  of  Norfolk  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII 1 

Measures  adopted  during  the  early  part  of  the  Reign  of  Edward  VI.  to  check  the 

Insurrectionary  spirit  of  the  times 10 


THE  first  outbreak,  at  Attleborotigh,  p.  21. — Complaints,  p.  21-24. — Gathering  at 
Wyniondham,  July  6th,  p.  25. — Somerset's  Proclamation,  p.  25. —  Serjeant  Flowerdew, 
p.  26. — Kett  throws  open  his  own  Enclosure,  and  becomes  the  people's  Loader,  p.  27- 
29. — Kett  throws  open  Flowerdew's  Enclosure  at  Hetherset,  p.  29. — Kett  crosses  the 
river  at  Cringleford,  July  10th,  and  spends  the  night  at  Bowthorpe,  p.  30. — The  Town 
Close  thrown  open,  July  9th,  p.  31. — Thomas  Codd,  Mayor,  sends  letters  to  the  King's 
Council  and  to  others,  p.  32. — He  upbraids  the  rebels,  p.  33. — Sir  Roger  Wodehouse, 
July  llth,  brings  provisions  to  them,  p.  35. — They  reach  Household  July  12tb,  p.  36.— 
Thomas  Coniers  is  appointed  chaplain,  p.  38.— Robert  Watson  (p.  38),  Thomas  Codd, 
and  Thomas  Aldrich  are  compelled  to  join  Kett,  p.  40. — Camp  at  Rising  Chase,  p.  40. — 
Disturbances  at  Cambridge,  p.  41.— Disturbances  in  Suffolk,  p.  42.— Letter  from  the 
Council  to  the  Lady  Mary,  p.  42. — Her  reply,  p.  43. — Extracts  from  Privy  Council  Register 
relating  to  Suffolk,  pp.  45,  46.— Attack  on  Yarmouth,  p.  46.— Kett's  Warrants,  p.  47.— 

b  2 


His  List  of  Grievances,  p.  48-56. — Mistaken  views  of  Godwin,  Heylin,  and  Lingard, 
pp.  56,  57.— The  King's  answer,  pp.  58,  59.— Brought  with  a  general  pardon  by  York 
Herald  at  Arms,  p.  59  and  73-75.— The  Oak  of  Reformation,  p.  61.— Dr.  Parker  visits  the 
camp  and  preaches,  p.  62-65.— The  City  Treasury,  p.  67.— The  Rebels'  Camp,  p.  68-72.— 
Sir  Edmund  Knyvett,  p.  72.— York  Herald  at  Arms  arrives,  p.  73-75.— Preparations 
for  defence,  p.  75-78. — Codd  refuses  the  rebels  peace  and  truce,  p.  79. — They  attack 
the  City,  p.  80-83. — The  Mayor  is  set  at  liberty,  p.  85.— Augustine  Steward  is  appointed 
deputy,  p.  85. — The  Marquis  of  Northampton  arrives  at  Norwich,  p.  87-94. — A  general 
pardon  offered,  p.  95.— The  battle  on  St.  Martin's  Palace  Plain,  August  1st,  p.  97.— 
Death  of  Lord  Sheffield,  p.  97.— The  Marquis  and  his  army  leave  the  City,  p.  98.— Sir 
John  Cheeke,  p.  99-102. — Unsuccessful  attempt  to  win  over  Yarmouth,  p.  107-112. — 
Depositions  taken  at  Colchester,  p.  113. — The  Duke  of  Somerset  appointed  to  go  against 
the   rebels,   pp.    114,    115 ;   but  afterwards  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  p.  116.— He  wishes 
Northampton  to  accompany  him,  pp.  117,  118. — He  arrives  at  Cambridge,  p.  121 ;  where 
he  is  joined   by  certain  Aldermen  and  others  from  Norwich,  p.  122. — He  arrives  at 
Wymondham,  August  22nd,  and   at  Intwood,  August    23rd,  p.  123. — Norroy  King  at 
Arms  rides  through  the  City,  and  again  offers  pardon,  which  is  rejected,  p.  124-130. — 
Kett  is  anxious  to  see  Warwick,  p.  130. — An  entrance  forced  at  Brazen-doors,  p.  131. — 
Warwick  and  his  troops  enter  the  City,  p.  132. — The  ammunition  carts  pass  through  the 
City  and  fall  into  the  rebels'  hands,  but  are  partly  recovered,  pp.  133,  134. — Skirmish  on 
St.  Andrew's  Plain,  p.  135.— Fire  at  the  Common  Staithe,  &c.,  p.  138.— Warwick  vows 
never  to  abandon  the  City,  p.  139. — A  snake  springs  into  the  bosom  of  Kett's  wife, 
p.  142. — Prophecies,  pp.  142, 143. — The  rebels  repair  to  Dussinsdale,  p.  143. — They  place 
their  prisoners  in  the  front,  chained  together,  p.  145. — Kett  flees,  p.  146. — The  rebels 
are  beaten,  and  yield  on  receiving  Warwick's  promise  of  pardon,  p.  146-148. — Record 
of  some  of  the  slain,  p.  149. — Apprehension  of  Kett,  and  execution  of  the  rebels,  p.  150. 
— Public  Thanksgiving,  p.  151 ;  to  be  annually  repeated,  pp.  154,  155. — Rewards  for  the 
apprehension  of  Kett,  and  bringing  him  to  London,  p.  156. — The  trial  of  the  Ketts, 
p.  158-160.— Their  execution,  p.  161.— Sympathy  for  Kett,  p.  162.— Kett's  property, 
and  grant  of  it  to  Thomas  Audeley,  p.  164. — Cost  of  the  Rebellions  in  Norfolk,  Devon, 
and  Cornwall,  p.  165.— The  results  of  Kett's  Rebellion,  p.  165. 



A  COMMANDMENT  to  the  Commons  (Treasury  of  the  Receipt  of  the  Exchequer), 
p.  169. — "  Coraplayntes  at  the  Insurrection"  (Annals  of  Cambridge,  by  C.  H.  Cooper, 
Esq.,  F.S.A.),  p.  170.— Sir  Tho.  Darcy  and  Sir  John  Gates  to  Cecill  (State  Paper 
Office — Domestic — Edward  VI.,  vol.  viii.  No.  24),  p.  172. — Extract  from  Froissart's 
Chronicles,  p.  173. — The  Family  of  Kett ;  Daniel  Gurney's  Record  of  the  House  of 
Gournay,  p.  174. — Priory  of  St.  Leonard  at  Norwich  (Dugdale's  Monasticon,  vol.  iv. 
p.  662),  p.  178. — Memorials  of  Thomas  Codde,  p.  180.— Extrgctajrom  the  A  ccoinpts  of 
the  Township  of  Elmham,  p.  181. — Extracts  from  the  Accompts  of  the  City  Chamberlain, 
p.  184. — Letter  of  Somerset  to  the  Vice-Chancellor  and  Mayor  of  Cambridge  (Annals  of 
Cambridge,  by  C.  H.  Cooper,  Esq.,  F.S.A.),  p.  197.— Letter  of  Somerset  to  Cecil  (id.), 
p.  198. — The  Devonshire  Eising  (Heylin's  History  of  the  Reformation),  p.  199. — Letter 
of  Sir  Anthony  Auchar  to  Cecill  (State  Paper  Office — Domestic — Edward  VI.,  vol.  viii. 
No.  56),  p.  202. — Kett's  Govemours;  with  additional  explanations,  p.  203. — Extract  from 
the  Norwich  Boll,  p.  206.— Letter  of  Edmund  Sheffeld  to  Mr.  Candyshe  (Treasury  of 
the  Receipt  of  the  Exchequer),  p.  206. — Extracts  from  the  Privy  Council  Register,  p.  207. 
— Sir  Nicholas  Lestraunge :  his  defence  (State  Paper  Office — Domestic — Edward  VI. 
vol.  viii.  No.  60),  p.  209.— Somerset  to  Sir  Philip  Hoby  (Harl.  MSS.  No.  523,  fo.  536), 
p.  213, — Special  Commission  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  for  the  trial  of  the  Ketts  and  others, 
p.  215. — List  of  the  Jury,  p.  217. — Precept  to  the  Constable  of  the  Tower  to  bring  up 
the  bodies  of  Robert  and  "William  Kett,  p.  218. — Indictment  found  against  Robert  Kett, 
p.  220.  —Indictment  found  against  William  Kett,  p.  224. — The  sentence  passed  upon 
them,  p.  226. — Inquisitio  post  mortem,  p.  228. — Grant  of  Kett's  manors  to  Thomas 
Audeley,  p.  236. 



FRONTISPIECE— Kett  under  the  Oak,  assuming  regal  authority  see       61 

(Photographed  from  an  old  Engraving  by  Negretti  &  Zambra.) 


K/KTT'S  OAK  AT  HETHEESETT,  under  which  he   stood   when    addressing  his 

followers 30 

KETT' s  CASTLE,  formerly  the  Chapel  of  St.  Michael  on  the  Mount  (App.  F)  37 



ArousTiXE  STEWARD'S  MARK,  on  his  house  on  Tombland    &5 

ATHUJSTINE  STEWARD,  from  the  Painting  in  St.  Andrew's  Hall,  Norwich 89 

PLATE  containing — 

a.  Two  "lede  pyllets,"  in  the  Norwich  Museum  -s 

i    • 

b.  The  Sheffield  Stone,  on  St.  Martin's  Palace  Plain    j 

.  I-       °7 

c.  Signatures  of  Kett,  Aldrich,  and   Codd,  appended  to  the  List  of  j 

Grievances J 

NORWICH  CEOSS  in  1732    132 

(Photographed  from  an  old  Engraving  by  Negretti  &  Zambra.) 




IT  is  my  intention  in  the  following  pages  to  give  an  account 
of  certain  commotions  that  occurred  in  Norfolk  in  the  time  of 
Edward  VI.,  in  the  year  1549. 

The  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  was  one  well  calculated  to  engender 
strong  feelings  of  discontent, — feelings,  which,  though  repressed  by 
the  harsh  and  violent  character  of  the  king,  could  not  be  kept  down 
when  his  amiable  and  gentle  son  sat  upon  the  throne.  It  is  very 
true,  as  is  observed  by  Sir  John  Hayward,1  that  "the  goods  and 
lands,"  which  had  been  church  property,  "  being  sold  at  a  low  value, 
enriched  many  and  ennobled  some,  and  thereby  made  them  firm 
in  maintaining  the  changes  "  that  had  been  introduced ;  but  others, 
who  either  were  not,  or  could  not  be,  thus  influenced,  felt  deeply 
and  acutely  what  had  taken  place.  The  Duke  of  Somerset,2  in  a 
letter  to  Sir  Philip  Hoby,  minister  at  the  court  of  Charles  V.  (August 
24th,  1549),  says : — "  The  causes  and  pretences  of  these  uproars  and 
risings  are  divers  and  uncertain,  and  so  full  of  variety  in  every  camp, 
as  they  call  them,  that  it  is  hard  to  write  what  it  is,  as  ye  know  is 
like  to  be  of  people  without  head  and  rule,  and  that  would  have  they 
wot  not  what.  Some  crieth,  '  Pluck  down  enclosures  and  parks.' 
Some,  for  their  commons.  Other  pretendeth  religion.  A  number 
would  rule  another  while,  and  direct  things  as  gentlemen  have  done." 

1  Life  of  Edward  VI.  2  Harl.  MSS.  No.  523. 


Such  was  Somerset's  view  formed  in  the  midst  of  these  troubles : 
the  following  may  be  alleged  as  the  causes  which  produced  them. 

The  suppression  of  the  religious  houses,  and  consequent  cessation 
of  that  hospitality  and  charity  which  "  provided  to  many  a  relief  from 
the  extreme  pressure  of  want  and  necessity;"1  the  change  of  land- 
lords, with  increased  rents  and  greater  difficulty  in  finding  a  market 
for  commodities ;  and  the  enclosure  of  lands,  wholly  or  partially 
common,  on  a  large  scale,  by  the  nobility  and  gentry,  without  re- 
gard to  the  rights  of  others :  these,  the  immediate  results  of 
Henry's  seizure  and  alienation  of  church  property,  together  with 
the  depreciation  of  the  currency  ;  the  consequent  advance  in  the 
price  of  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  while  wages  remained  fixed ;  ~ 
the  diminution  of  the  demand  for  labour  by  reason  of  the  increased 
value  of  wool,  which  caused  arable  land  to  be  turned  into  pasture,  so 
that  "  whole  estates3  were  laid  waste  by  enclosures,"  i.  e.  thrown  out 
of  tillage  and  turned  into  pasture,  "  while  the  tenants,  regarded  as  a 
useless  burden,  were  expelled  their  habitations ;  and  the  cottagers, 
deprived  of  the  commons  on  which  they  formerly  fed  their  cattle, 
were  reduced  to  misery ; "  the  vexations  to  which  the  middle  class 
were  subjected  by  the  king's  purveyors,4  and  the  sufferings  caused 
by  the  scarcity  that  prevailed,  which  was  generally  supposed5  to  be 
still  further  aggravated  by  the  forestallers,  ingrossers,  and  regraters 
of  the  day :  these  temporal  grievances,  joined  with  the  spiritual  ones 

1  Hume.  ^  By  25  Edw.  III.  stat.  1,  c.  1—4. 

3  Hume : — ''  Your  sheep  may  be  said  now  to  devour  men,  and  unpeople  not  only 
villages  but  towns." — Sir  Thomas  More's  Utopia. 

4  "  The  purveyor  alloweth  for  a  lamb  worth  two  shylynges  but  xij^.,  for  a  capon 
worth  xijrf.  six  pens,  and  so  after  that  rate:  so  that  after  that  rate  ther  is  not  the  poorest 
man  that  hathe  any  thyng  to  sell  but  he  loseth  half  in  the  price,  besides  tariyng  for  his 
money,  which  somtyme  he  hathe  after  longsuyteto  the  officeres  and  great  coste  suyng  for 
it,  and  many  tymes  he  never  hathe  it :    so  that  he  is  dryven  to  recover  his  losses  by 
sellyng   deerer  to    the   kynges    subjects." — State  Paper   Office — Domestic — Edw.    VI. 
vol.  v.  20. 

See  Archseologia,  vol.  viii.,  for  an  interesting  article  on  purveyors. 
8  But  wrongly,  since  these  people  were  the  best  friends  to  the  country,  in  scarcity 
diminishing  consumption  early,  or  worse  famine  would  have  ensued  eventually. 


springing  from  Henry's  proceedings  in  matters  of  religion,  gave  rise 
to  feelings  of  discontent,  which  displayed  themselves  sometimes  in 
angry  speeches  against  the  king,1  and  at  other  times  in  popular 
outbreaks,  that  began  in  Lincolnshire  in  1536,  and,  spreading  by 
degrees  into  various  counties,  may  be  considered  as  having  ended,  at 
least  for  a  time,  in  1568.  While  in  addition  to  the  above,  or  rather 
lying  at  their  very  root,  and  giving  them  whatever  vitality  they  had 
as  grievances,  lay  that  sense  of  the  oppressions  of  the  feudal  system, 
which  years, — the  many  years  it  had  existed  in  the  land, — instead  of 
removing,  had  only  tended  to  drive  down  the  more  deeply  into  the 
hearts  of  the  people. 

These  disturbances  fall  under  the  following  heads  :  — 

1.  Religion :  the  principal,  omitting  the  less  important,  were 

a.  The  Lincolnshire  rising  ;  followed  by 

b.  Aske's  Rebellion,2  or  the  Pilgrimage  for  Grace  to 

the  Commonwealth,  in  1536  ; 

c.  The  Devonshire  rising  in  1549  ;  and 

d.  The  insurrection  of  the  Northern  Earls  in  1568  : 
and  2.  Enclosures :    to   which   may  be  attributed   that  which  is 

the  subject  of  the  following  pages  ;  viz.  Kett's  Rebellion 
in  Norfolk.3 

1  Many  instances  might  be  given  from  documents  in  the  treasury  of  the  Receipt  of 
the  Exchequer. 

2  See  Appendix  (A),  for  "  A  commandement  to  the  Commons  ;  "   my  authority  for 
thus  naming  this  rising. 

3  Dr.   Lingard,   who   seems    to    have    relied    on    Godwin's    Annals   and    Heylin's 
History  of  the  Eeformation,  takes   a  different  view,    and  mentions  as   one    of  Kett's 
complaints,  "  that  a  new  service  had  been  forced  on  the  people  in  opposition  to  the  con- 
viction of  their  consciences."      My  authorities  are  the  Lady  Mary,  Kett  himself,  and 
Eapin,  from  whose  united  testimony  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  this  rebellion 
had  nothing,  except  in  point  of  time,  in  common  with  the  religious  commotions  of  the 
period,  but  was  purely  a  civil  rising  to  obtain,  by  force  of  arms,  redress  for  social  grievances. 
Thus,  we  find  the  Lady  Mary,  in  a  letter  to  the  Protector,  July  20th,  1549,  written  from 
Kenninghall,  Norfolk,  in  answer  to  the  charge  that  "  her  proceedings  in  matters  of 
religion  had  given  no  small  courage  to  many  of  those  men  to  require  and  to  do  as  they 
did,"  says, — "  That  appeared  to  be  most  untrue,  for  that  all  the  rising  about  the  parts 
where  she  was,  was  touching  no  part  of  religion. " — Strype's  Mem.  Eccles.  vol.  ii.  pt.  i.  c.  xxi.' 

This  assertion  is  fully  borne  out  by  Kett's  List  of  Grievances,  in  which  nothing 

B    2 


The  disturbed  state  of  Lincolnshire  and  the  North  became  known 
in  Norfolk  towards  the  end  of  1536,1  the  tidings  first  reaching  Lynn, 
and  from  thence  being  carried  to  Norwich  by  Richard  Fletcher,  the 
keeper  of  the  city  gaol,  and  to  Walsingham  by  certain  Cornish  soldiers 
going  thither  on  pilgrimage. 

Early  the  following  year l  Sir  Nicholas  Myleham,  canon  and  sub- 
prior  of  Walsingham,  together  with  George  Gysborough  and  several 
others,  attempted  to  "  procure  and  make  an  insurrection."  They 
intended  to  collect  as  many  persons  as  would  join  them,  to  fire  the 
beacons,  and,  having  raised  the  country,  to  set  forth  toward  the  north, 
marching  twenty  miles  a  day  ;  and  the  reason  given  for  their  thus 
rising  was,  "  They  thought  it  very  evil  done  for  the  suppressing  of  so 
many  religious  houses,  where  God  was  well  served,  and  many  other 
good  deeds  of  charity  done;"  2  and  that  an  insurrection  would  prove  a 

is  said  about  "  the  old  religion."  "  Priests,"  "  proprietary  parsons,"  &c.,  are  mentioned, 
but  so  as  to  show  that  the  Norfolk  laity  were  dissatisfied  with  the  way  in  which  they  dis- 
charged their  duties,  rather  than  with  the  new  doctrines  they  were  teaching  ;  while,  from 
the  boldness  with  which,  at  this  very  time,  the  reactionary  spirit  was  manifesting  itself  in 
Devonshire,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  that  no  fear  of  consequences  would  have 
restrained  the  people  of  Norfolk  from  displaying  the  same,  had  they  been  of  the  like 
disposition.  Eapin  says  they  called  the  old  oak,  '•  The  Oak  of  Eeformatiou,  *  * 
because  these  talked  only  of  reforming  the  state,  religion  being  neither  the  cause  nor 
pretence  of  their  rising." 

1  Treasury  of  the  Receipt  of  the  Exchequer. 

2  "  If  any  poor  Householder  had  lacked  Seed  to  sow  his  land,  or  Bread  Corn,  or  Malt, 
before  Harvest,  and  come  to  a  Monastery  either  of  Men  or  Women,  he  should  not  have 
gone  away  without  Help :  for  he  should  have  had  it  untill  Harvest,  that  he  might  easily 
have  paid  it  again.     Yea,  if  he  had  made  his  Moan  for  an  Ox,  Horse,  or  Cow,  he  might 
have  had  it  upon  his  Credit :  and  such  was  ye  good  Conscience  of  ye  Borrowers  in  those 
Dayes,  that  ye  Thing  borrowed  needed  not  to  have  been  asked  at  the  Day  of  Payment. 

"  They  never  raised  any  Eent,  or  took  any  Incomes  or  Grarsomes  [i.e.  Fines]  of  their 
Tenants ;  nor  ever  took  in  or  improved  any  Comous  ;  altho'  the  most  Part  and  ye  greatest 
wast  grounds  belonged  to  their  Possessions. 

"  If  any  poor  People  had  made  their  Mone  at  their  Day  of  Marriage  to  any  Abbey, 
they  should  have  had  Money  given  them  to  their  great  Help.  And  thus  all  sort  of  people 
were  helped  and  succoured  by  Abbeys :  yea,  happy  was  that  Person  that  was  Tenant  to 
an  Abbey ;  for  it  was  a  rare  thing  to  hear  that  any  Tenant  was  removed  by  taking  his 
Farm  over  his  head  ;  nor  he  was  not  afraid  of  any  Ee-entry  for  not  Payment  of  his  Itent, 
if  necessity  drove  him  thereunto."—  Cole's  MSS.  vol.  xii.  p.  8. 


remedy  for  the  "  moche  penery  and  scarsenes  "  that  prevailed.  Their 
designs  were  communicated  by  John  Galant  of  Letheringset  to  Sir 
John  Heydon,  hy  whose  exertions,  and  those  of  Sir  Roger  Townshend, 
the  conspiracy  was  suppressed,  and  the  ringleaders  executed1  at 
Norwich.  A  woman  at  Aylsham,2  named  Elizabeth  Wood,  who 
sympathized  with  them,  was  arrested  for  saying,  in  the  hearing  of 
John  Dix,  while  resting  upon  his  shop  window,  "  It  was  pitie  that 
these  Walsingham  men  war  discovered,  for  we  shall  never  have  good 
worlde  till  we  fall  togither  by  the  earys  : 

"  And  with  clubbes  and  clowted  shone 
Shall  the  dede  be  done:  a 

for  we  had  never  good  worlde  synnes  this  kinge  rayned."  Sir  John 
Heydon,  in  his  letter  to  "  Master  Richard  Gresham,"  to  whom  he 
sent  an  account  of  his  examination  of  her,  that  the  matter  might  be 
brought  before  the  notice  of  "myLorde  Privy  Seale,"  calls  her  words 
"detestable  and  trayterous,"  and  herself  "an  ongracyous  woman." 

1  Thomas  Colles,  a  prisoner,  in  his  examination,  preserved  iu  the  Treas.  of  Ree.  of 
Exchequer,  mentions  two  of  them,  viz.,  Mileham  and  Eogorson,  as  going  "  oute  of  the 
Casthill  to  execution;"  and  another  prisoner,  Jamea  Byggis,  "  hard  Rogerson  say  that  he 
wold  accuse  "  two  other  persons  "  for  safe  garde  of  his  lyff,  and  then  Mylem  and  Gisborough 
said,  '  Yt  were  but  ffooly,  seyng  we  must  nedea  dye,  to  put  eny  moo  to  troblo." — The 
following,  from  the  Household  Expenses  of  the  Lestranges,  of  Hunstanton,  relates  most 
probably  to  the  execution  of  these  men  : — 

Itm  pd  the  xxvijth  day  of  May  to  John  Man  and 
other  at  Norwiche  at  the  execucon  of  the  Traytors 

for  suche  things  as  was  bought  for  you  there --  „  xlij  „  iij 

Archasol.  xxv.  p.  511. 

"  I  have  seen  a  written  note  that  says, — '  This  yer  was  Half  Rogers,  and  George 
Gysborrow,  the  Sub-Prior  of  Whalsyngham  [Sir  Nicholas  Mileham  was  sub-prior]  with 
others,  to  the  number  of  15,  condemned  of  treson,  whereof  5  suffered. '  '  — Blomefield's 
Norfolk —  Walsingham. 

2  Treasury  of  the  Receipt  of  the  Exchequer. 

;t  See  Second  Part  of  Henry  VI.  iv.  2 ;  where  Shakspeare  represents  Jack  Cade  as 
saving : — 

"  We  will  not  leave  one  lord,  one  gentleman  : 
Spare  none,  but  such  as  go  in  clouted  shoon, 
For  they  are  thrifty" 


Such  mention  is  made  of  Household  Heath  at  this  time  as  shows 
that  it  was  thought  likely  to  prove  the  scene  of  important  events ;  for 
a  prophecy  was  in  circulation  that  said  "  There  shulde  lande  at 
Walborne  hope  l  the  prowdest  prynce  in  all  Cristendome,  and  so  shall 
come  to  Moshold  heethe,  and  there  shuld  mete  with  other  ij  kinges, 
and  shall  fyght  and  shalbe  put  down  :  and  the  whyte  lyon  shuld 
optayne  "  [the  mastery].  The  person,  Richard  Bishop,  who  took  some 
pains  to  make  the  above  prophecy  known,  thus  describes  the  state  of 
suspicion  in  which  he  and  others  were  living :  "  We  are  used  under 
suche  fassyon  now  a  dais  as  it  hathe  not  ben  sene,  for  if  iij  or  iiij  of  us 
l)e  communyng  together,  the  constables  woll  esamyne  what  corn- 
rnunycacion  [it  is  we  are  having],  and  stokke  us  2  if  we  woll  not  tell 
theym :  gudd  fellowes  wold  not  be  so  used  longe  if  one  wold  be  trew 
to  another."  And  then  he  said,  "  My  thynketh  ye  seame  to  be  an 
honest  man,"  addressing  Robert  Seaman,  who  afterwards  informed 
against  him  ;  "  such  a  one  as  a  man  may  trust  to  open  his  mynd  unto  : 
and  if  that  ij  men  have  communycacion  togither,  a  man  may  go  back 
at  his  word  as  longe  as  no  thyrd  man  ys  ther  :  iij  may  kepe  counsell 
if  ij  be  away."  3 

1  The  Danes  are  said  to  have  landed  at  Weybourne  Hope  in  their  invasions  (Blome- 
.field's  Norfolk)  :   and  the  old  rhyme  is  still  remembered  in  the  county, — 

"  He  that  would -England  win, 

Must  at  Weybourne  Hope  begin  :  " — 

a  propbecy  so  fully  believed  at  the  commencement  of  this  century,  that  it  was  generally 
thought  in  Norfolk,  if  Napoleon  invaded  England,  he  would  do  so  at  this  point. 

2  I.  e.  "  put  us  in  the  stocks." 

3  "  And  lykewyse  the  commynalte 
Apply  themselfes  ryght  mervelously 
To  lerne  crafte  and  subtilite 

Ther  neybours  to  begyle  : 
The  sister  will  hegile  the  brother, 
The  child  will  begyle  the  mother ; 
And  thus  one  will  not  trust  another, 

Tff  this  world  last  awhyle." 

"From  a  Poem  entitled  "  Now  a  dayes,"  Lambeth  Library,  MSS.   No.  159,  p.  261, 
written  probably  in  1540. 

There  is  a  very  interesting  paper  on  the  above  prophecy,  in  the  Norfolk  Archaeology, 
vol.  i.  p.  209. 


The  same  year,1  at  Old  Buckenham,  Hugh  Wilkinson  made  this 
proposition  to  John  Browne,  a  cooper,  and  to  John  Lok,  a  servant,  as 
they  were  riding  homeward  :  "  Lette  us  go  home,  for  now  are  the 
vysitours  in  puttyng  downe  of  our  hous.2  And  if  ye  woll  do  after  me, 
I  have  here  an  Aungell  noble  in  my  pursse  that  never  dyd  me  good, 
and  that  shall  ye  have  bytwene  yowe,  if  ye  woll  comme  in  the  evenyng 
and  kyll  theym  in  ther  beddes,  ffor  I  knowe  the  getes  *  of  every  dore,  so 
that  I  shall  lette  yowe  into  every  chamber.  And  whenne  ye  have  donne 
yowe  may  sone  be  out  of  the  waye,  for  the  wood  is  at  hannde.  And 
whenne  they  be  in  ther  beddes  ye  shalbe  sewer  that  they  have  no 
wepon  at  handde  to  defendde  theym  selffes  with  all.  And  if  I  hack! 
no  mor  to  loose  thenne  one  of  yowe  hath,  it  shuld  be  the  ffuvst  deade 
I  shuld  do.  And  they  denyed  to  doit,  and  saide  they  wold  notmedell." 
"  Marry,"  quoth  John  Parker  of  Buckenham,  when  he  heard  of  the 
above,  "it  was  perilously  spoken  of  hym." 

The  same  year  *  certain  persons  at  Fincham  were  anxious  to  raise 
the  commons  by  ringing  the  bells  in  every  town.  One  of  them, 
Thomas  Stylton,  was  accused  of  saying,  "  It  were  a  good  dede  that 
the  Comynalte  shuld  ryse  here  as  they  cled  ther ;  for  they  ded  ryse 
for  the  Common  Welth,  and  yf  yee  had  ben  ther  as  I  was,"  i.  e.  in 
Yorkshire,  where  he  had  served  as  a  soldier,  "  ye  shuld  have  hard 
that  they  rose  for  the  Wele  of  the  Comynalte."  Their  wish  was  that 
Mr.  Fincham,  of  Fincham,  should  join  them,  and  if  he  would  not, 
"they  would  make  a  Carte  wey  betwext  his  bed  and  hys  shulders;" 
and  next,  that  "  the  halydays  that  wer  putte  down,  shuld  "  be 
"  restoryd  ageyn,"  which,  they  believed,  would  have  been  the  case,  if 
the  Yorkshire  rising  had  succeeded,  as  they  wished  it  had  done. 
With  regard  to  this  restoration  of  the  holidays,  it  is  only  right  to 
state  that,  though  the  men  of  Fincham  were  desirous  of  retaining 
them,  others  were  of  a  different  opinion,  as  appears  from  a  "  Petition 
to  the  King  in  Parliament,"  *  in  which  it  is  stated  :— 

1  Treasury  of  the  Beceipt  of  the  Exchequer.  -'  Old  Buckenham  Abbey. 

•'  I.  e.  "  the  go"  of  every  door,  or  "  how  each  door  goes." 
4  Treasury  of  the  Eeeeipt  of  the  Exchequer. 




"Whereas  there  is  a  great  number  of  holy  days,  which  now  at 
this  present  time  with  very  small  devotion  be  solemnized  and  kept 
throughout  this  your  realm,  upon  the  which  many  great,  abominable, 
and  execrable  vices  be  used  and  practised  :  if  it  may  stand  with  your 
gracious  pleasure,  and  especially  "  in  the  case  of  "  such  as  fall  in  the 
harvest,"  we  pray  that  they  "  might  by  your  Majesty,  by  the  advice  of 
your  most  honourable  Council,  Prelates,  and  Ordinaries,  be  made  fewer 
in  number  :  and  "  we  trust  that  "  those  that  shall  hereafter  be  ordained 
to  stand  and  continue  might,  and  may,  be  the  more  devoutly,  reli- 
giously and  reverently  observed,  to  the  laud  of  Almighty  God,  and  to 
the  increase  of  your  Highness  honour  and  fame.  " 

But  the  boldest  of  the  discontented  spirits  of  the  day,  to  judge 
by  his  language,  was  John  Walker,  of  Griston,1  who  in  1540  gave 
the  following  advice  : — 

"  Yf  iij  or  iiij  good  ffelowes  wold  ryde  in  the  nyght  with  every 
man  a  belle,  and  cry  in  every  towne  that  they  passe  through,  To 
S  waff  ham  !  To  Swaffharn  !  by  the  morning  ther  would  be  ten  thou- 
sand assemblyd  at  the  lest ;  and  then  one  bold  felowe  to  stande  forth 
and  sey,  Syrs,  nowe  we  be  her  assemblyd :  you  knowe  howe  all  the 
gentylrnen  in  manner  be  gone  forth,  and  you  knowe  howe  lytyll 
faver  they  bere  to  us  pore  men  :  let  us  therefore  nowe  go  home  to 
ther  howsys,  and  ther  shall  we  have  harnesse,  substance,  and  vytayle. 
And  as  many  as  wyll  not  tirn  to  us,  let  us  kylle  them,  ye,3  evyn  ther 
chyldern  in  the  cradelles  :  for  yt  were  a  good  thinge  yf  ther  were  so 
many  jentylmen  in  Norff.  as  ther  be  whyt  bulles.  And 3  we  have  a 
suffycyent  nombre,  let  us  go  towarde  Lynne,  and  we  shalbe  good 
ynough,  and  strong  ynough,  for  all  them  at  ther  comyng  home  out  of 
the  north,  and  they  that  wyll  not  tirn  serve  them  all  a  lyke,  and  all 
them  that  dwell  in  our  County.  The  best  we  myght  do  were  to  be- 
gynne  with  Mr.  Southwell,  and  from  them  to  Mr.  Brampton,  and  to 
Mr.  John  Breys,  and  Mr.  Hoggtons,  and  so  to  Sir  Roger  Touneshende, 
for  he  is  stylle  at  home,  and  so  to  spoyle  them  all  as  we  goo,  and 

1  Treasury  of  the  Eeceipt  of  the  Exchequer. 

2  I.  e.  "  yea."  »  "  And  we,"  &c.,  i.  e.  "  If  we,"  &c. 


hernesse  our  sylffe,1  &c.  And  Syrs,  yf  you  wyll  take  upon  you  to 
play  thys  acte  with  the  helles  by  nyght,  you  shall  have  horse  of  me, 
and  no  man  shall  know  you." 

Such  was  the  temper  of  the  people  of  Norfolk,  and  though  there 
is  no  evidence  to  show  it,  yet  as  the  old  oppressive  system  was  main- 
tained in  ever-increasing  severity,  we  may  assume  they  continued 
discontented  and  ready  to  rise,  provided  a  "  bold  felowe  "  would  stand 
forth  and  be  their  leader,  and  that  there  were  some  tangible  grievance, 
common  and  self-evident  to  all,  and  so  heavily  oppressive,  as  to  rouse, 
and  at  the  same  time  unite,  them  to  strike  for  its  removal : — and  such 
a  grievance  enclosures  were  felt  to  be.  Accordingly,  when  the  cry 
arose,  as  it  did  in  1549,  "Pluck  down  enclosures,"  this  "cry"  was 
immediately  adopted;  the  popular  feeling  rallied  around  it;  discon- 
tent, long  pent  up,  and  harshly  repressed,  without  even  the  appearance 
of  justice  being  regarded,  burst  forth  with  a  violence  that  threatened 
to  mingle  all  things  in  utter  and  irremediable  ruin ;  hatred  of  the 
gentry,  which  they  had  excited  against  themselves  by  a  series  of 
oppressions  and  exactions,  was  no  longer  restrained,  but  displayed 
itself  in  open  acts  of  violence  ;  and  that  spirit  of  reform,  and  determi- 
nation to  correct  abuses,  was  called  forth,  which,  though  often  baffled, 
has  ever  risen  with  fresh  strength  and  renewed  ardour  for  the  contest, 
producing  at  length  those  beneficial  results,  which  every  true  lover  of 
his  country  must  rejoice  at  and  glory  in. 

1  I.  e.  "  selves." 


A  PROCLAMATION  :  set  forth  by  Edward  VI.,  April  24th,  1548, 
shows  that  many  had,  by  the  false  rumours  that  were  in  circulation, 
"been  seduced  and  brought  to  much  disorder  of  late,  and  in  some 
parts  in  manner  to  insurrection  and  rebellion;"  for  the  avoiding  of 
which  for  the  future,  it  is  commanded,  "  that  no  man  tell  forth,  spread 
abroad,  or  utter  lies,  upon  pain  of  his  Majesty's  displeasure,  and 
grievous  imprisonment  of  such  offender's  body." 

Shortly  after,  May  16th,2  an  order  was  sent  into  Norfolk  to  the 
Earl  of  Sussex,3  Henry  Tlatcliffe,  requiring  him,  among  others  of  the 
same  county,  "  to  have  in  full  readiness  by  the  10th  of  June  next 

1  Proclamations  of  Edward  VI.  No.  19.  *  Cotton  MSS.  Titus,  B.  2. 

3  Henry  Batcliffe,  Earl  of  Sussex,  Viscount  Fitz- Walter,  Lord  Egremond  and 
Burnell,  was  made  Knight  of  the  Bath  at  the  coronation  of  Queen  Anne  Bullen,  and  in 
the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  had  the  command  of  1,600  demilances  in 
the  expedition  then  made  into  Scotland  ;  in  which  service  being  unhorsed,  he  narrowly 
escaped  with  his  life :  he  was  in  so  much  favour  at  that  time,  that  in  the  act  for  dissolving 
the  chantries,  colleges,  free  chapels,  &c.,  which  was  passed  this  year,  he  had  this  clause 
inserted  : — "  Provided  always  *  *  that  this  Act,  ne  auie  thing  therein  contained,  shall 
extend  to  the  College  or  Chanterie  of  Attilbourgh  [which  had  been  granted  to  his  father 
in  1541],  but  that  Henrie,  now  Erie  of  Sussex  *  *  maie  *  *  have  and  injoy  the 
said  College  and  Chanterie  *  *  any  thing  in  this  Act  to  the  contrarie  in  anie  wise 
notwithstanding."  He  was  in  great  favour  also,  with  Queen  Mary  :  by  her  grant,  dated 
Nov.  2,  in  the  first  year  of  her  reign,  he  had  "  Liberty,  Licens  and  Pardon,  to  were 
his  Cappe,  Coyf,  or  night  Cappe,  or  twoo  of  them  at  his  pleasor,  as  well  in  our  presens, 
as  in  the  presens  of  any  other  person  or  persons  within  this  our  relme  or  any  other  place 
of  our  Dominion  during  his  life." — BlomefielcF s  Norfolk. 

"  He  resided  at  Attleborough.  On  a  small  and  scarce  print  of  this  earl,  he  is  styled 
Lord-Lieutenant  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  ;  and  this  is  the  only  authority  that  could  be 
obtained  for  placing  him  here,"  i.  e.  first  in  the  list  of  Lord-Lieutenants. — Swing's  Norf. 
Lists,  p.  3. 


ensuing,  two  good  and  liable  horses  meet  to  serve  in  the  field  for 
demilances,1  with  two  demilances  to  be  employed  upon  the  same,"  and 
they  were  to  be  ready  "  at  one  hour's  warning." 

At  the  beginning  of  the  following  month,  June  1st,  came  forth  a 
well-known  proclamation  ~  "  against  enclosures,  letting  of  houses  to 
decay,  and  unlawful  converting  of  arable  ground  into  pastures."  At 
the  same  time  a  "  Commission  for  redress  of  enclosures  "3  was  issued 
by  the  king,  in  which  he  complains  that  "  the  force  and  puissance  "  of 
the  "  realm,  which  was  wont  to  be  greatly  feared  of  all  foreign  powers, 
is  very  much  decayed,  the  people  wonderfully  abated,  and  those  that 
remain  grievously  oppressed :"  and  directs  inquiry  to  be  made  as 
to  who  have  been  transgressors,  breakers,  and  offenders  of  the  several 
statutes,  4  Hen.  VII.,  c.  19  ;  7  Hen.  VIII.,  c.  1 ;  25  Hen.  VIII.,  c.  13, 
and  27  Hen.  VIII.,  c.  22. 

This  commission  was  confined  to  the  counties  of  Oxford,  Berks, 
"Warwick,  Leicester,  Bedford,  Bucks,  and  Northampton.  Instructions 
were  issued  at  the  same  time  to  assist  the  commissioners  in  the 
discharge  of  their  duties. 

Strype  gives  at  full  length  the  charge  of  Mr.  John  Hales,  one  of 
the  commissioners,  at  their  assembly  for  the  execution  of  their  trust, 
in  which  he  gives  the  following  explanation  of  the  word  "  enclosures." 

"  It  is  not  to  be  taken  [for]  where  a  man  doth  enclose  and  hedge 
in  his  own  proper  ground,  where  no  man  hath  commons,"  i.e.  right 
to  common ;  "  for  such  enclosure  is  very  beneficial  to  the  common- 
wealth :  it  is  a  cause  of  great  increase  of  wood :  but  it  is  meant 
thereby,  when  any  man  hath  taken  away  and  enclosed  any  other 
men's  commons,  or  hath  pulled  down  houses  of  husbandry,  and 
converted  the  lands  from  tillage  to  pasture.  This  is  the  meaning  of 
this  word,  and  so  we  pray  you  to  remember  it." 

This  will  be  the  more  intelligible  if  we  bear  in  mind  that,  at  this 

1  A  representation  of  a  demilance  on  horseback  will  be  found  in  Meyrick's  Anc. 
Arm.  vol.  iii.  p.  5;    while  a  somewhat  different  specimen  is  at  the  Tower:  the  latter  is 
armed  with  a  "  lance"  or  "  pike,"  of  a  very  formidable  description. 

2  Strype's  Memorials,  vol.  ii.  part  II.  Repository  P. 
8  Proclamations  of  Edw.  VI.  No.  24. 

C   2 


time,  the  arable  land  of  any  village  or  township,  known  as  "  the  field  " 
— a  name  still  in  common  use — was  subdivided  by  ridges  called 
"  bawlkes  "  into  "  lands  "  belonging  to  the  different  proprietors,  who 
cultivated  them  and  took  the  produce ;  but  when  "  the  corne  was  inned 
and  harvest  don,"1  then  all  had  right  of  common  over  the  whole.2 
Just  prior  to  Kett's  rebellion,  the  practice  began  to  be  generally 
adopted,  by  those  who  had  two  or  more  of  them  lying  together,  to 
enclose  these  "  lands  "  as  well  as  others,  viz.,  the  waste  lands  of  the 
manor,  that  "  owght  to  be  common;"1  and  it  was  against  such  en- 
closures that  the  efforts  of  Kett  and  his  associates  were  especially 
directed.  In  the  "  Annals  of  Cambridge,"  above  quoted,  the  following 
enclosures  are  mentioned  and  complained  of  (temp.  Edw.  VI.)  :  "  a 
common  lane,"  "the  plowing  uppe  of  certayne  bawlks  and  carte wayes 
in  the  feelde,"  of  "  a  bawlke  vii  foote  brode,"  &c.3  Mr.  Cooper  gives 
also  two  ballads  that  were  written  at  this  time,  from  which  it  appears 
that  the  insurgents  were  wont  to 

"  Cast  hedge  and  dyche  in  the  lake 
Fyxed  with  many  a  stake. 
Though  it  war  never  so  faste 
Tet  asondre  it  is  wraste  : "  4 

and  to  consider  their  proceedings  in  this  matter  as  very  praiseworthy  : 

"  Syr,  I  think  that  this  wyrke 
Is  as  gud  as  to  byld  a  kyrke 
For  Cambridges  bayles5  trulye 
Gyve  yll  example  to  the  cowntrye, 
Ther  comones  lykewyses  for  to  engrose, 
And  from  pore  men  it  to  enclose."" 

The  loss  of   the  public  lands,  the  hedging  in  of  fields  which 

1  Annals  of  Cambridge,  by  C.  H.  Cooper,  Esq.,  P.S.A.  vol.  ii.  p.  38. 

2  This  custom   still   exists   in   Norfolk,  at  East  Tuddenham,  Wood  Norton,  and 
Tacolnestone,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom. 

3  See  Appendix  (B)  for  "  Complayntes  at  the  Insurrection." 

4  "  "Wraste,"  i.  e.  "  wrested  "  or  "  torn."  5  I.  e.  bailie's. 
6  Taken  by  Mr.  Cooper  from  Dr.  Lamb's  Cambridge  Documents,  160. 


had  previously  (for  a  portion  of  the  year  at  least)  been  common, 
and  the  enclosure  of  pastures,  are  mentioned  by  Nevylle  amongst 
the  complaints  of  the  discontented,1  while  in  the  List  of  Grievances 
sent  by  Kett  to  the  king,  we  find  the  following  relating  to  this 
point : — 

That  no  more  saffron-grounds  be  enclosed ; 

That  no  lord  of  any  manor  shall  have  right  of  common ; 

That  this  right  be  confined  to  freeholders  and  copyholders : 
but  nothing  is  said  about  pulling  down  houses  of  husbandry,  or  con- 
verting arable  land  into  pasture,  though  there  may  be  an  allusion 
to  the  latter  in  their  prayer,  that  a  limit  be  put  to  the  grazing  of 
bullocks  and  sheep.  In  the  Appendix  (C)  will  be  found  a  letter  from 
Sir  Thomas  Darcy  and  Sir  John  Gates  to  "  gentill  Mr.  Cicell," 
from  which  it  appears  that  their  power  as  commissioners  was  too 
limited,  and  that  they  were  afraid  the  people  seeing  this  would  only 
"  be  brought  in  more  rage  than  they  were  before."  It  may  be  this 
was  the  reason  why  the  rising,  which  speedily  ensued,  was  so  violent ; 
or  that  the  commissioners  paid  more  attention  to  the  converting  of 
arable  land  into  pasture,  &c.,  as  the  unlawful  enclosure  they  were 
called  upon  to  remedy,  while  it  was  for  their  commons  the  people  were 
especially  anxious. 

In  June  of  this  year  letters  were  sent  by  the  Council  •  "  to  the 
special  men  in  every  shire,"  that  they  might  have  the  beacons  on  the 
coast  in  good  order,  as  a  protection  against  foreign  enemies;  while 
"  for  the  order  and  stay  of  others,"  it  was  thought  "  requisite  that 
some  of  the  gentlemen  should  remain  behind : "  similar  directions  * 
were  at  the  same  time  issued,  concerning  the  inland  beacons,  with  this 
significant  conclusion :  "  That  all  things  may  be  in  good  order  at 
home,  we  require  you  to  have  a  good  eye  and  a  special  regard  to  the 
doings  of  the  common  people,  and  in  case  of  any  misdemeanours,  &c., 

1  "  Agros  publicoa  sibi  ac  suia  sublevandis  a  majoribus  relictos  adimi,  prsedia  qua? 
patrum  memoria  communia  essent,  ea  nunc  f'ossis  ac  sepibus  distingui,  pascuis  scrobes 
oircumduci,  omnes  sibi  aditus  intercludi." — Nevylle. 

*  State  Paper  Office— Domestic— Edw.  VI.  vol.  iv.  12.  3  Id.  vol.  iv.  10. 


to  give  order  for  the  stay  and  reformation  of  the  same,  with  all 
diligence ;  "  while  all  persons  that  had  servants  in  their  employ,  were 
"  to  keep  the  same  in  labour,  good  order  and  obedience."  The  commis- 
sioners found  "  the  people  most  tractable  and  quiet."  John  Hales 
requests  the  Protector  to  issue  like  commissions  for  other  counties ; 
and  because  they  have  not  already  been  "  heard  of  in  other  parts  of 
the  realm,"  he  complains  "  we  be  thought  men  only  bent  or  set  to  do 
displeasure  to  some  men  in  these  parts." — July  22nd,  1548.  "  Though 
the  good  Duke  of  Somerset,"  says  Strype,1  speaking  of  the  effect 
of  this  commission,  "  took  all  his  pains,  and  employed  many  honest 
men  in  this  charitable  work,  to  put  a  stop  to  the  impoverishing  and 
dispiriting  of  the  poor,  and  to  heal  their  discontents,  which  he 
foresaw  also  a  great  danger  in,  yet  such  was  the  greedy  avarice 
of  the  gentry,  that  all  these  endeavours  proved  unsuccessful ; 
many  great  men  at  the  court,  and  the  Earl  of  "Warwick  it  seems 
among  the  rest,  backing  them,  being  themselves  probably  guilty  in 
that  behalf." 

John  Hales,3  in  addition  to  his  labours  when  on  circuit,  brought 
three  bills  into  Parliament,  to  relieve  the  necessities,  and  so  allay  the 
discontented  spirit  of  the  people  : — 

First,  For  the  rebuilding  of  houses  that  had  been  allowed  to  fall 
into  decay,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  tillage  and  husbandry  ; 

Second,  To  prevent  regrating  and  forestalling  ;  and 

Third,  To  compel  those  who  kept  sheep,  to  keep  kine  also,  and  to 
rear  calves  in  a  certain  proportion. 

The  first  two  were  brought  forward  in  the  House  of  Lords,  where 
the  former  met  with  a  speedy  rejection,  while  the  latter  passed,  and 
was  sent  down  to  the  Lower  House,  where  it  was  so  debated  and 
tossed  up  and  down,  and  at  last  committed  to  such  men,  and  there  so 
much  deferred,  that  one  would  have  said  "  the  lamb  had  been  com- 
mitted to  the  wolf's  custody."  The  third  bill  was  brought  forward  in 
the  House  of  Commons  ;  but  there,  it  was  then  "  Hold  with  me  and  I 
will  hold  with  thee  ;  "  and  so  the  bill  was  lost. 

1  Strype's  Memorials,  vol.  ii.  part  I.  c.  12.  2  Id.  vol.  ii.  part  I.  c.  16. 


The  following  extract  from  J  "  such  matters  as  have  at  sundry 
times  been  opened  to  me,  Henry  Lord  Marquis  Dorset,  by  the  Lord 
Seymour,  Admiral  of  England,"  shows  how  those  high  in  office  were 
ready  to  avail  themselves  of  the  popular  discontent  to  further 
their  own  private  views. 

"  When  I  was  with  the  Admiral  at  Sudely,  which  was  in  the  end  of  the  summer 
(1548),  and  also  when  he  was  at  my  house,  which  was  after  Michaelmas,  the  Admiral 
devising  with  me  to  make  me  strong  in  my  country,  advised  me  to  keep  a  good  house, 
and  asked  me  what  friends  I  had  in  my  country ;  to  whom  I  made  answer,  that  I  had 
divers  servants  that  were  gentlemen,  well  able  to  live  of  themselves.  That  is  well,  said  the 
Admiral ;  yet  trust  not  too  much  to  the  gentlemen,  for  they  have  somewhat  to  lose :  but 
I  will  rather  advise  you  to  make  much  of  the  head  yeomen  and  franklins  of  the  country, 
specially  those  that  be  the  ringleaders,  for  they  be  men  that  be  best  able  to  persuade 
the  multitude,  and  may  best  bring  the  number,  and  therefore  I  will  wish  you  to  make 
much  of  them,  and  to  go  to  their  houses,  now  to  one,  now  to  another,  carrying  with  you 
a  flagon  or  two  of  wine2  and  a  pasty  of  venison,  and  to  use  a  familiarity  with  them  ;  for  so 
shall  you  cause  them  to  love  you,  and  be  assured  to  have  them  at  your  commandment ; 
and  this  manner,  I  may  tell  you,  I  intend  to  use  myself,  said  he." 

By  referring  to  a  subsequent  page,  it  will  be  seen  that  Sir  Roger 
Wodehouse  tried  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  insurgents  by  acting 
somewhat  after  the  above  fashion,  and  also  how  it  fared  with  him. 

The  Protector  was  suspected  of  being  too  much  inclined  to  act  like 
his  brother,  Lord  Sudely ;  viz.,  to  seek  for  popularity,  but  to  do  so  by 
excessive  "  softness,  and  opinion  to  be  good  to  the  poor." 

The  following  is  a  summary  of  what  was  done  to  put  down  the 
insurrections  that  were  now  breaking  out  in  connection  with  "  decays 
of  houses  and  unlawful  enclosures." 

A  proclamation*  was  issued  by  some  of  the  Council,  in  which  having 
referred  to  a  previous  one  that  fixed  a  certain  day  6  for  the  remedy 
of  the  things  complained  of,  and  having  mentioned  the  fact,  that  many 

1  State  Paper  Office — Domestic— Edward  VI.  vol.  vi.  7. 

2  Similarly  to  Cyrus  the  Younger,  as  described  by  Xenophon. 

3  Wm.  Paget  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset.     State  Paper  Office— Domestic— Edw.  VI 
vol.  viii.  4. 

4  State  Paper  Office— Domestic— Edw.  VI.  vol.  vii.  18.  >  May  1st.— Hume. 


were  now  "  plucking  down  pales,  hedges  and  ditches  at  their  pleasure," 
they  promise  that  these  "  decays  "  shall  be  reformed,  and  require  that 
these  tumults  be  repressed,  calling  upon  all  men  to  assist  in  "  the  stay 
thereof,"  "  for  the  more  suretie  of  his  hyghnes  good  and  loving 

Somerset l  writing  to  the  Marquis  of  Dorset  and  the  Earl  of  Hun- 
tingdon, states  (but  his  supicion  does  not  seem  to  have  been  well 
grounded,  so  far  as  Norfolk  was  concerned),  that  the  "  seking  redresse 
of  enclosures "  had  "  by  seditious  priests  and  other  yvel  peple," 
become  mixed  up  with  attempts  for  the  restitution  of  the  old  cruel 
laws  that  had  been  passed  in  Henry  the  Eighth's  time.  Their  Lordships 
are  accordingly  prayed  to  be  ready  to  repress  their  "  attemptes  in  the 
beginneng  if  any  chaunce  "  to  be  made. 

A  proclamation 2  was  issued  by  the  King,  in  which  having  stated 
that  "  a  great  number  of  rude  and  ignorant  people  in  certain  shires 
of  England,  had  done  great  and  most  perilous  and  heinous  disorder, 
and  had  riotously  assembled  themselves,  plucked  down  men's  hedges, 
disparked  their  parks,  and  taken  upon  them  the  king's  power  and 
sword,  but  had  now  repented  of  their  evil  doings ;"  his  Majesty 
proceeds  to  declare  all  such  pardoned,  and  forbids  their  being  troubled 
for  the  part  they  had  taken  in  any  commotions,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  he  threatens  with  death,  loss  of  lands,  &c.,  any  that  might  after- 
wards make  any  similar  disturbances. 

The  Protector  was  much  blamed  by  William  Paget  for  issuing  this 
pardon  :3  he  says,  "  Your  pardonnes  have  geven  evell  men  a  boldenes 
to  enterpryse  as  they  [have  done],  and  cause  them  to  thinke  youe 
dare  not  meddell  with  them,  but  are  glad  to  please  them,  and  to  suffre 
whatsoever  they  lyste,  and  what  pleaseth  them,  be  yt  right  or  wronge, 
they  must  have  yt." 

"These  parts,"4  says  Lord  Arundel,  writing  to  Sir  William  Petre, 

1  State  Paper  Office — Domestic— Edward  VI.  vol.  vii.  31.  June  llth,  1549. 

2  Proclamations  of  Edward  VI.  No.  37.     June  14th,  1549. 

3  State  Paper  Office— Domestic— Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  4.     July  7th,  1549. 

4  Id.  vol.  vii.  44.     June  30th,  1549. 


from  Guildford,  "remain  as  well  as  may  be  in  a  quavering  quiet;" 
and  the  following  extracts  from  Paget's  letter1  to  Somerset  show  that 
such  was  also  the  condition  of  the  rest  of  the  kingdom,  and  that  the 
Protector  was  blamed  as  the  cause  of  its  being  so  unsettled. 

"  I  told  your  Grace  the  trouthe,  and  was  not  believed  :  well,  now 
your  Grace  seithe  yt  what  seythe  your  Grace  ?  Mary,  the  King's 
subjects  owt  of  all  discipline,  owt  of  obedience,  caryng  neither  for  Pro- 
tectour  nor  King,  and  muche  lesse  for  any  other  meane  officer.  And 
what  is  the  cause  ?  Your  owne  levytie,  your  softnes,  your  opinion  to 
be  good  to  the  pore.  The  opinion  of  suche  as  sayethe  to  your  Grace, 
'  O  Syr,  there  was  never  man  that  had  the  hartes  of  the  pore  as  youe 
have.  Oh  !  the  Commons  praye  for  youe,  Syr :  they  saye,  God  save 
your  life.'  I  knowe  your  gentle  harte  ryght  well,  and  that  your  mean- 
ing ys  good  and  godly  :  howsoever,  some  evell  men  lyste  to  prate  here 
that  youe  have  some  greater  enterpryse  in  your  hedde,  that  leane  so 
muche  to  the  multitude.  I  knowe,  I  saye,  your  good  meaning  and 
honest  nature.  But  I  saye,  Syr,  yt  is  great  pitie  (as  the  common 
proverbe  goeth  in  a  warme  sommer)  that  ever  fayre  wether  shuld  do 
harme.  Yt  is  pitie  that  your  so  muche  gentlenes  shuld  be  an  occasion 
of  so  great  an  evell  as  ys  now  chaunced  in  England  by  these  rebelles." 
*  *  "  Consider,  I  beseche  youe  most  humbly,  with  all  my  harte, 
that  societie  in  a  realme  dothe  consiste  and  ys  maynteyned  by  meane 
of  religion  and  lawe."  *  *  "  Loke  well  whether  youe  have  either 
lawe  or  religion  at  home,  and  I  feare  youe  shall  fynde  neither.  The 
use  of  the  old  religion  is  forbydden  by  a  lawe,  and  the  use  of  the  newe 
ys  not  yet  prynted  in  the  stomackes  of  the  eleven  of  twelve  partes  in 
the  realme,  what  countenance  soever  men  make  outwardly  to  please 
them  in  whom  they  see  the  power  restethe.  Now,  Syr,  for  the  lawe  : 
where  ys  it  used  in  England  at  libertie  ?  Almost  no  where.  The  fote 
taketh  upon  him  the  parte  of  the  head,  and  comyns  ys  become  a  kinge, 
appointing  condicions  and  lawes  to  the  governours,  sayeng,  '  Graunt 
this,  and  that,  and  we  will  go  home.'"  *  *  "Be  the  inclosures 
lately  made  that  these  people  repyne  now  at  ?"  *  *  "I  knowe  in 

1  State  Paper  Office— Domestic— Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  4.     July  7th,  1549. 



this  matter  of  the  commons  every  man  of  the  Couusayle  hath 
myslyked  your  procedings,  and  wyshed  yt  otherways.  I  knowe  your 
Grace  can  saye,  '  No  man  shall  answer  the  Kinge  for  these  things 
but  I.'  O  Syr,  I  feare  me,  that  yf  youe  take  not  an  other  wayes 
betymes  in  these  matters  of  tumult,  neither  youe  nor  we  shall  come  to 
answeryng."  *  "Your  Grace  must  remember,  that  saving  for 

the  name  of  a  kinge,  and  that  youe  must  do  all  thinge  in  the  name  of 
an  other,  your  Grace  ys  durynge  the  King's  Majestes  young  age  of 
imperfection  to  do  his  owne  things,  as  yt  were  a  Kinge,  and  have  his 
Majestes  power.  Then,  Syr,  for  a  Kinge,  do  like  a  Kinge  in  this 
matter  specially.  Take  a  noble  courage  to  youe.  Be  of  niagnanimitie, 
and  reduce  the  subjecte  to  the  order  of  a  subjeete  ;  ffor  your  procedings 
wherein  take  example  at  other  kings.  And  youe  nede  not  to  seke  farre 
for  the  matter.  Go  no  further  than  to  him  which  dyed  last  of  most 
noble  memory,  Kinge  Henry  the  eight :  kcpte  not  he  his  subjects  from 
the  highest  to  the  lowest  in  due  obedience  ? — and  howe  ?  By  the 
onely  mayntenaunce  of  justice  in  dewe  course  :  which  now  being 
brought  out  of  course,  cannot,  for  anything  that  I  see,  be  brought  to 
reputacion,  and  to  an  establishment,  but  by  power  and  force,  whiche 
is  a  grievous  hearing,  yf  it  might  be  otherwyse.  But  it  is  better  late 
than  never,  and  now  the  sooner  best  of  all."  Paget  then  sets  forth 
what  seems  to  him  the  best  course  for  Somerset  to  adopt,  viz.,  to 
summon  the  Council,  to  send  for  the  Almayn  horsemen  from  Calais, 
Lord  Eerris  and  Sir  William  Herbert  from  Wales,  with  as  many  men 
as  they  dare  trust,1  and  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  with  his  retainers  ;  to 
place  the  king  at  Windsor ;  to  go  himself  with  as  many  noblemen 
and  others  as  could  be  mustered  into  the  disaffected  counties,  accom- 
panied by  the  Chief  Justices  of  England ;  to  hang  the  ripest  of  the 
rebels,  and  to  take  surety  of  such  rich  men  as  might  have  favoured 
them  ;  and  to  take  the  liberties  of  such  towns  as  had  offended  into  the 
King's  hands.  *  *  "  Your  Grace  may  saye  youe  shall  lose  the 
hartes  of  the  people :  of  the  good  people  youe  shall  not,  and  of  the 
yll  yt  maketh  no  matter."  *  *  "By  this  meanes  youe  shall 

1  It  will  be  seen  afterwards  that  the  Welsh  soldiers  wei  e  not  of  much  value. 


delyver  the  Kinge  an  obedient  realme."  *  *  "  And,  Syr,  where[as] 
your  Grace  sayth  that  they  be  a  fewe  that  with  enclosures,  &c.,  give 
this  occasion,  hold  your  peace  to  yourselfe,  and  at  ley  sure  in  the 
wynter  let  them  be  sent  for  one  by  one,  and  had  in  confession ;  and 
let  such  of  them  as  be  offendours  smart  for  yt,  whereby  bothe  the 
King's  Majesty  may  have  a  profyt,  and  the  pore  man  (yf  that  be  the 
sore)  be  relieved." 

"While  in  a  letter  from  Paget  to  Petre,1  July  13th,  we  find  these 
domestic  commotions  known  on  the  Continent,  and  Granvelle,  the 
minister  of  Charles  V.,  giving  the  following  advice  with  regard  to 
them  :  "  Marry,  we  hear  say,  that  your  commons  at  home  font  grand 
barbularye  ;  but  it  is  nothing  if  Monsieur  Protector  step  to  it  betimes, 
and  travail  in  person,  as  the  Emperor  himself  did,  with  the  sword  of 
Justice  in  his  hand."  To  this  Paget  replied,  "That  the  matter  was  at 
a  point,"  and  says,  "  I  made  little  of  it,  how  heavy  soever  our  hearts 
took  it." 

The  harshness  which  characterizes  the  above  extracts;  the  reference 
to  Henry  the  Eighth's  example,2  -as  one  so  well  worthy  of  imitation ; 
the  evident  ignoring  of  any  and  all  complaints  as  wholly  groundless  ; 
and  the  wish,  so  prominently  put  forward,  that  punishment  should  be 
rigorously  inflicted  on  all  offenders,  rather  than  that  justice  should  be 
done  towards  the  injured  and  oppressed  ;  all  this,  on  the  part  of  the 
King's  counsellors,  standing  as  it  did  in  so  striking  contrast  with  the 
gentle  and  amiable  disposition  of  the  young  king,  might  wrell  embolden 
the  people  to  endeavour  to  win  by  force,  what  they  could  not  reasonably 
expect  to  gain  in  any  other  way. 

There  was  also,  as  is  clear  from  Paget's  letter,  an  impression  in 
the  minds  of  the  people  that  the  Council  was  divided ;  that  while 
there  was  an  aristocratical  party,  headed  by  Warwick  (ultimately  the 

1  State  Paper  Office — Edward  VI. — Germany. 

2  "  An  example,"  as  Sir  John  Hayward  (Life  of  Edward  VI.)  says,  "  that  was  not 
then  to  be  followed,  since  the  kings  were  not  equal  either  in  spirit  or  in  power.     Even  as 
it  is  in  the  fable,  that  albeit  an  Eagle  did  bear  away  a  Lamb  in  her  talons  with  full  flight, 
yet  a  Eaven  endeavouring  to  do  the  like  was  held  entangled  and  fettered  in  the  fleece. ' 

D    2 


suppressor  of  the  Norfolk  rising) ;  there  was  also  another,  headed 
by  one  well  able  to  defend  their  cause,  —  Somerset,  "the  good  Duke," 
as  people  loved  to  call  him.  He  was  now  at  the  zenith  of  his  power, 
and  accordingly,  the  present  was  the  opportunity  seized  for  seeking 
some  redress  of  popular  grievances. 


"  THE  first  attempt  was  made  at  Attleborow,1  wher  they  threw 
downe  the  fences  of  one  Green  of  Wylby,  who  was  supposed  to  have 
enclosed  a  parcell  of  Attleborow  common,  adjoining-  to  the  common 
pasture  of  Hargham."1  Such  was  the  humble  commencement  of  this 
rebellion, — a  mere  village  brawl,  a  perception  in  the  rural  mind  of 
injury  received,  and  of  one  way  at  least — a  rude,  rough  way,  it  is  true- 
by  which  the  wrong  might  be  remedied.  And  here  the  matter  might 
have  rested,  too  obscure  to  deserve  notice ;  but  rumours  being  circulated 
in  Norfolk  that  the  poor  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  especially 
in  Kent,3  had  filled  up  ditches,  and  laid  open  the  lands  formerly  com- 
mon, that  had  been  enclosed,  complaints  arose  in  various  quarters 
because  the  like  was  not  done  in  this  county  also.  Secret  meetings 
were  held,  and  men  of  humble  birth,  whom  the  circumstances  of  the 
time  brought  into  notice,  bewailed  loudly  their  poverty,  and  inveighed 
with  much  bitterness  against  the  nobility  and  gentry  :  "  Compare," 
said  they,4  "  our  respective  positions  :  all  power  is  in  their  hands,  and 
they  so  use  it  as  to  make  it  unbearable  ;  while  nothing  is  left  for  us 
but  the  extreme  of  misery.  As  for  them,  they  abound  in  luxuries ; 

1  In  Lingard  "  Aldborough  ;"  but  wrongly. 

2  Sir  John  Hayward's  Life  of  Edward  VI. 

3  The  Kent  disturbances  ended  at  midsummer.     "  Mr.  Candish  had   warrant  for 
xxxijs.  to  Clarencieux  king  at  armes,  sent  into  Kent  for  the  pacifying  the  Eebelles  about 
Midsommer,  and  carrying  them  their  pardon." — Privy  Council  Register — Edward  VI. 
vol.  i.  p.  567.  4  Nevylle. 


they  are  surrounded  with  all  sorts  of  plenty  ;  they,  when  they  are 
jaded  with  pleasure,  are  roused  from  their  state  of  weariness  and 
languor  by  the  violence  of  their  avarice,  and  the  fierceness  of  their 
lusts  :  while  as  for  us,  what  is  our  condition  ?  We  are  half  dead  with 
the  length  and  severity  of  our  labours  ;  we  have  in  deed  and  in  truth 
to  eat  our  bread  '  in  the  sweat  of  our  brow,'  and  our  whole  lives  are 
spent  in  nothing  else  than  undergoing  all  the  evils  of  hunger,  cold, 
and  thirst.  And  who  will  say  that  this  is  not  a  wretched  and  unwor- 
thy state  of  things  ?  and  most  wretched  and  unworthy  it  undoubtedly 
is  ;  but,  bad  as  it  may  be,  we  could  have  endured  it,  if  the  gentry, 
besotted  with  pleasure  and  puffed  up  with  pride,  were  not  continually 
casting  in  our  teeth,  '  What  pitiful  creatures  these  poor  wretches 
are  ! '  This,  then,  is  what  we  find  fault  with,  and  it  is  such  treatment 
as  this  that  we  complain  of.  Urged  on  by  their  proud  and  haughty 
spirit,  and  either  too  idle  or  too  careless  to  mind  what  they  are  doing, 
they  actually  make  sport  of  our  sufferings, — a  circumstance  which,  as 
indeed  it  ought  to  do,  inflicts  such  pain  upon  our  minds,  and  brings 
such  disgrace  upon  our  good  name,  that  nothing  worse  can  be  men- 
tioned, nothing  more  unfair  can  be  endured.  Again,  take  the  condi- 
tions on  which  we  may  hold  land :  they  are  evidently  of  a  shameful 
character,  and  more  fit  for  slaves  than  for  free  men.  We  may  hold  it, 
it  is  true  ;  but  on  what  terms  ?  just  as  it  suits  the  will  and  pleasure 
of  some  great  man.  But  let  an  unhappy  wretch  offend  one  of  these 
high  and  mighty  folks,  and  what  becomes  of  him  then  ?  why,  he 
is  stripped,  deprived,  and  turned  out  of  everything.  How  long 
are  we  to  submit  to  this  ?  How  long  is  so  overbearing  a  spirit  to 
remain  unpunished  ?  Moreover,  they  have  now  arrived  at  such  a 
height  of  cruelty  and  covetousness,  that,  not  content  with  seizing 
everything,  and  getting  all  they  can  by  fraud  or  force,  to  spend  it  in 
pleasure  and  effeminate  indulgences,  they  have  sucked  the  very  blood 
out  of  our  veins,  and  the  marrow  out  of  our  bones.  The  commons, 
which  were  left  by  our  forefathers  for  the  relief  of  ourselves  and 
families,  are  taken  from  us ;  the  lands,  which  within  the  remembrance 
of  our  fathers  were  open,  are  now  surrounded  with  hedges  and  ditches  ; 
and  the  pastures  are  enclosed,  so  that  no  one  can  go  upon  them. 


The  birds  of  the  air,  the  fish  of  the  sea,1  and  all  the  fruits  so  unspar- 
ingly brought  forth  by  the  earth,  they  look  upon  as  their  own,  and 
consequently  use  them  as  such.  Nature,  with  all  her  abundance  and 
variety,  is  unable  to  satisfy  them,  and  so  they  think  of  new  sources  of 
enjoyment,  such  as  sauces  and  perfumes,  surrounding  themselves  with 
delicious  scents,  mixing  sweet  with  sweet,  and  seeking  on  all  sides 
whatever  may  gratify  their  desires  and  lusts.  But  what  is  the  con- 
dition of  the  poor  all  this  time  ?  What  is  our  food  ?  Herbs  and  roots, 
and  thankful  may  we  be  if,  by  incessant  labour,  we  can  get  even  these. 
Thankful !  that  we  may,  for  they  are  vexed  that  we  live  and  breathe 
without  their  leave ;  yes,  they  are  vexed  that  we  can  breathe  the 
common  air,  or  look  up  at  the  glorious  sky,  without  first  asking  and 
obtaining  their  permission.  We  cannot,  any  longer,  endure  injuries 
so  great  and  so  cruel ;  nor  can  we,  without  being  moved  by  it,  behold 
the  insolence  of  the  nobility  and  gentry :  we  will  sooner  betake  our- 
selves to  arms,  and  mix  heaven  and  earth  in  confusion,  than  submit 
to  such  atrocities.  Since  nature  has  made  the  same  provision  for  us 
as  for  them,  and  has  given  us  also  a  soul  and  a  body,  we  should  like 
to  know  whether  this  is  all  that  we  are  to  expect  at  her  hands. J 
Look  at  them,  and  look  at  us :  have  we  not  all  the  same  form  ?  are 
we  not  all  born  in  the  same  way  ? :i  Why,  then,  should  their  mode  of 
life,  why  should  their  lot,  be  so  vastly  different  from  ours  ?  We  see 
plainly  that  matters  are  come  to  an  extremity,  and  extremities  we  are 
determined  to  try.  We  will  throw  down  hedges,  fill  up  ditches,  lay 
open  the  commons,  and  level  to  the  ground  whatever  enclosures  they 
have  put  up,  no  less  shamefully,  than  meanly  and  unfeelingly.  We 
will  not  submit  to  be  oppressed  with  burthens  in  spite  of  ourselves, 
nor  undergo  sucli  disgrace  as  we  should  be  labouring  under,  if,  by 
growing  old  in  suffering  these  evils,  we  left  to  our  posterity  the  State 

1  By  referring  to  a  subsequent  page,  it  will  be  found  that  the  right  of  fishing  in  rivers, 
and  of  retaining  all  "  gret  fyshe,"  is  mentioned  ill  Kett's  List  of  Grievances. 

2  This  so  closely  resembles  Froissart's  Chronicles,   book  II.  chap.  73,  that  I  have 
given  John  Ball's  speech  in  the  Appendix  (D). 

3  Somewhat  similar,  is  Shylock's  speech,  Merchant  of  Venice,  iii.  2. 


full  of  wretchedness  and  misery,  and  in  a  much  worse  condition  than 
we  had  found  it.  We  will,  therefore,  leave  no  stone  unturned  to 
obtain  our  rights,  nor  will  we  give  over  until  things  are  settled  as  we 
wish  them  to  be.  What  we  want  is  liberty,  and  the  power,  in  com- 
mon with  our  so-called  superiors,  of  enjoying  the  gifts  of  nature  :  it  is 
true  our  wish  may  not  be  gratified,  but  this  one  thing  is  certain,  our 
attempt  to  obtain  it  will  end  only  with  our  lives."  By  referring  to 
the  List  of  Grievances  Kett  put  forth  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the 
"  pore  comons,"  as  he  styles  those  for  whom  he  is  pleading,  it  will  at 
once  be  seen  that  Nevylle  has  scarcely  given  a  fair  account  of  their 
complaints.  As  an  example  of  this,  we  may  contrast  the  above  strong 
and  unreasonable  statements  about  the  equality  of  all  men,  with  the 
following  extract  from  Kett's  address  to  the  king,  which  will  be  fouud 
at  full  length  at  a  subsequent  page : — 

"  We  pray  thatt  all  bonde  men  may  be  made  fre,  for  god  made 
all  fre  in  his  precious  blode  sheddyng." 

The  people  being  in  this  excited  state,  and  having  "  conceived  a 
wonderful  hate  against  gentlemen,  taking  them  all  as  enemies,"  3  soon 
proceeded  to  open  acts  of  violence : — They  began,  as  has  been  already 
mentioned,  at  Attleborough.  The  inhabitants  of  this  town,  together 

1  Nevylle's  "De  furor.  Norfolc."  from  which  the  above  speech  is  taken,  "derives 
considerable  weight  from  the  fact  of  his  intimacy  with  Archbishop  Parker  [to  whom  he  was 
afterwards  secretary],  who  was  present  at  a  great  part  of  the  transactions  described,  and 
to  whom  the  book  was  dedicated.     *     *     *     It  is  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  possibility 
of  arriving  at  true  facts  in  spite  of  any  attempt  to  pervert  them.     The  book  is  written 
in  a  spirit  of  the  bitterest  hostility,  and  yet  the  impression  which  it  leaves  of  Kett  and 
his  followers,  is  certainly  favourable.    *    *     *     The  whole  style     *     *     is  in  the  highest 
degree  rhetorical,  and  is,  after  the  manner  of  the  time,  interlarded  with  imaginary  speeches, 
in  imitation  of  the  ancients.     On  this  account,  probably,  as  well  as  from  its  connexion 
with  the  archbishop,  it  was  by  order  in  council  commanded  to  the  bishops  to  cause  it  to 
be  read  in  all  grammar  schools,  in  the  place  of  heathen  poets." — Note  on  Eev.  A.  P. 
Stanley's   Paper  "  On  the  part   taken   by  Norfolk   and    Suffolk   in   the   Eeformation," 
published  in  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  Archa3ological  Institute  for  1847." 

My  own  impression  is,  that  both  Nevylle  and  Holinslrad  derived  their  information 
from  "  The  Commoyson  in  No[rfolk],  1549,"  written  by  Nicholas  Sotherton,  and  now  in 
the  Library  of  the  British  Museum,  Harl.  MSS.  No.  1576,  fol.  251. 

2  Duke  of  Somerset  to  Sir  Philip  Hoby,  Harl.  MSS.  No.  523. 


•'       .'**  « 


with  those  of  Eccles,  Wilby,  and  other  neighbouring  villages,  being 
angry  with  Mr.  John  Green,  lord  of  the  manor  of  Wilby,  for  enclosing 
that  part  of  the  common  belonging  to  his  manor,  which  before  had 
been  a  portion  of  the  adjoining  commons  of  Hargham  and  Attle- 
borough,  on  which  they  had  all  the  right  of  commonage,1  met 
together  June  20th,2  threw  down  the  hedges,  and  laid  the  whole 
open  as  it  had  previously  been. 

Having  done  this,  they  returned  to  their  respective  homes,  where 
they  seem  to  have  remained  tolerably  quiet  (though,  from  the  "former 
talke  "  subsequently  mentioned,3  it  appears  secret  meetings  were  held 
during  this  interval)  till  the  beginning  of  July,  at  which  time  they 
collected  in  great  numbers  at  Wymondham,  "  att  a  certen  night  and 
daie  playe,  which  was  there  played  the  Satherday  nyght  being  the  vith 
daie  of  July,4  1549,  and  held  on  the  viith  day  and  part  of  the  viiith 
daie,  being  Monday,  which  daie  the  people"  were  "to  depart"  and 
return  home  ; 6  they  thus  collected,  with  the  view  of  availing  themselves 
of  the  opportunity  then  afforded  them  of  exercising  such  influence 
as  they  might  have  on  the  country  people,  who  flocked  thither,  for 
the  above-mentioned  "  playe,"  which  was  held  in  commemoration  of 
the  Translation  of  Thomas  &  Becket  (July  7th),  to  whom  the  chapel B 
standing  in  the  midst  of  the  town  was  dedicated.  Great  numbers 
having  collected  to  witness  the  processions  and  interludes,  the  leaders 
held  conferences  with  them,  and  gained  over  many  ;  insomuch  that  a 
crowd  went  to  one  Hobartson's  of  Morley,  about  two  miles  off,  and 
having  thrown  down  certain  hedges,  returned  to  Wymondham  again. 

About  this  time  the  Protector  put  forth  the  following  proclamation 
or  letter,7  in  order  to  stay  the  people  with  the  hope  that  their 
grievances  would  be  speedily  and  effectually  redressed  : — 

"  After  our  right  hartie  commendacons.     Where[as]  the  Kinges  Majesties  commission 
w'  certain  articles  therunto  annexed,  be  presently  addressed  unto  you  for  redresse  of 

1  Blomefield.  z  Heylin's  Hist,  of  Eeformation.  3  See  p.  31. 

4  "  June  "  in  Sotherton's  MS.  (Harl.  MSS.  No.  1576),  but  evidently  an  error. 
*  Nicholas  Sotherton's  "  The  Commoyson  in  No.  1549." 

6  This  was  subsequently  the  grammar-school ;   but  has  been  long  disused. 

7  State  Paper  Office— Domestic— Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  18. 



unlawfull  enclosures,  deeayes  of  howaes,  and  for  the  reformacon  of  sundry  other  mysorders ; 
albeit  we  doubt  not  but,  considering  the  trust  his  Matie  hath  specially  reposed  in  you,  you 
will  both  diligently  and  uprightly  attend  the  execucon  of  the  said  commyssion  ;  yet,  for 
that  the  matters  be  of  veary  greate  importance,  and  such  as  nedeth  present  reformacon  ; 
we  have  thought  good  by  thies  our  Ires1  to  pray  and  requyre  you  to  assemble  your  selfes 
together  w'  as  good  expedicon  as  you  may  after  the  receipt  of  his  Maties  said  commyssion. 
And  to  th'  intent  your  doinges  may  precede  w'  out  all  suspicion,  and  the  people  conceyve 
some  good  hope  of  reformacon  at  your  handes,  we  wold  that  as  many  of  you  as  be  in  any 
of  the  cases  to  be  reformed,  do  first,  for  examples  sake,  begyn  to  the  reformacon  of  your 
selfes  :  Wherby  you  shall  both  have  the  bettar  credit,  and  may  w*  the  more  boldnes 
proceede  to  the  redresse  of  others.  And  as  we  nothing  doubt  of  your  good  dyligence  and 
wise  proceedinges  herein,  so  we  trust  you  will  use  such  indifferency  in  your  doinges  as 
no  man  shall  have  just  cause  in  reason  to  complayn  thereof.  And  so  fare  ye  right 
hartely  well  ffrom 


The  instructions  3  printed  this  month,  direct  the  Commissioners 
to  inquire  : 

"  If  any  person  hath  taken  from  any  other  their  Commons,  whereby  they  were  able  to 
breed  and  keep  their  cattle,  and  maintain  their  husbandry,  as  they  were  in  times  past. 

"  Item,  if  any  Commons  or  high  ways,  have  been  enclosed,  or  imparked,  contrary  to 
right,  and  without  due  recompence  :  That  then  the  same  shall  be  reformed  by  the  said 

But,  though  the  above  instructions  were  carefully  drawn  up,  and 
there  may  have  been  much  willingness  to  carry  them  out,  scarcely 
anything  could  bave  checked  the  turbulent  spirit  of  the  people  of 
Norfolk;  a  new  element,  viz.,  personal  hostility  and  private  ani- 
mosities, having  now  become  mixed  up  in  the  tumults  that  had 

In  the  31st  year  of  Henry  VIII.3  the  parishioners  and  inhabitants 
of  Wymondham,  desirous  of  saving  their  noble  church  from  destruction, 
petitioned  the  king  to  have  certain  parts  of  the  church,  which  was  to 
be  destroyed  as  belonging  to  the  monastery,  granted  to  them,  they 
paying  for  the  bells,  lead,  &c.,  according  to  their  value.  But  their 
good  intent,  though  they  paid  the  money,  was  frustrated  by  Serjeant 

1  I.  e.  "  letters." 

2  State  Paper  Office — Domestic — Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  10. 

3  Blomefield's  History  of  Norfolk. 


Flowerdew,  who,  in  violation  of  this  contract,  carried  off  the  lead,1  and 
nearly  demolished  the  choir,  to  the  no  little  aggravation  and  annoy- 
ance of  the  townspeople.  The  had  feeling  excited  by  these  unwarrant- 
able proceedings,  had  an  opportunity  of  displaying  itself  when  the 
disturbances  connected  with  enclosures  began ;  this  will  account  for 
the  Ketts  3  playing  so  prominent  a  part  in  them,  for  they  were  chiefly 
concerned  in  the  purchase,  and  were  very  desirous  to  save  the  church, 
being  at  that  time  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  place  ;  they  never 
forgave  Flowerdew,  but  endeavoured  to  do  him  and  his  family  all  the 
prejudice  imaginable  ever  after. 

Flowerdew,  who  lived  at  Hethersett,  was  vexed  at  having  some 
of  his  hedges  thrown  down  :  he  came  to  Wymondham  and  gave  the 
insurgents  4(M.3  on  condition  that  they  should  do  the  same  to  an 
enclosure  belonging  to  Robert  Kett,  which  lay  near  the  Fairstead,  and 
had  been  common.  Thus  urged  on,  they  hastened  to  Kett,  told  him 
what  their  designs  were,  and  demanded  that  he  should  restore  to  his 
country,  and  to  them,  consulting,  as  they  were,  the  "weal  of  the 
Commonalty"  (to  use  an  expression  we  have  already  had),4  the 
public  land  he  had  enclosed ;  that  the  hedges  should  be  cast  down ; 
the  quickset  plucked  up ;  and  that  what  had  been  common  before 

1  "  During  some  excavations  made  at  Wyniondham  in  1834,  on  clearing  the  Chapter- 
house to  the  level  of  its  original  floor,  a  mass  of  metal  was  found,  sunk  into  and  level 
with  it,  on  the  north  side.     It  was  with  some  difficulty  removed,  as  it  weighs  about  a  ton. 
Its  upper  surface  is  a  pointed  oval  (the  usual  shape  of  ecclesiastical  seals),   measuring 
39  in.  by  16|  in.,  its  depth  8  in.,  the  sides  contracting  towards  the  bottom,  giving  it  the 
appearance  of  a  boat.     It  was  evidently  run  into  the  cavity  in  which  it  was  found,  as  it 
had  contracted  in  the  process  of  cooling.    A  hole  had  been  cast  in  the  upper  surface  for  the 
purpose  of  inserting  a  peg  whenever  it  might  be  desirable  to  remove  it,  and  the  king's 
stamp  had  been  twice  struck  on  the  surface,  between  which  seven  circles  and  two  half- 
circles  had  been  described,  probably  to  express  the  quantity.     It  may  be  that  this  mass  of 
metal,  which  proved  to  be  lead,  was  part  of  that  seized  by  Flowerdew ;  that  he  was  pre- 
vented removing  it  by  the  king's  officers  putting  their  stamp  upon  it ;    and  that  in  the 
confusion  which  succeeded  it  was  covered  up  and  forgotten." — Arclteeologia,  xxvi.  269. 

2  For  the  Kett  pedigree,  see  Appendix  (E). 

3  There  is  some  little  uncertainty  as  to  the  amount  given  by  Flowerdew.      Sir  John 
Hayward,  in  his  Life  of  Edward  VI.,  Harl.  MSS.  No.  6021,  says  it  was  iij*.  iiijrf.,  but 
in  the  printed  copy  it  is  38s.  4td.  4  See  p.  7. 

E    2     ' 


should  be  common  again.  Kett  easily  allowed  himself  to  be  won  over 
as  a  partisan  in  their  schemes,  and  told  them  he  would  not  only  grant 
their  request,  but  would  stand  by  them  to  restrain  and  put  down 
wholly  the  power  of  the  nobility  and  gentry.  He  hoped,  as  he  gave 
them  to  understand,  he  should  shortly  be  able  to  bring  about  such  a 
change  that,  as  they  had  felt  deeply  their  own  misery,  so  those 
wretches  should  have  equal  occasion  to  feel  deeply  the  bitter  con- 
sequences of  their  pride  and  haughtiness.  He  set  forth  the  many 
shameful  things  they  had  for  some  time  past  been  called  on  to  suffer, 
and  the  many  injuries  and  calamities  with  which  they  had  been 
harassed.  "  But  be  of  good  courage,"  continued  he,  "  for  power  so 
excessive,  avarice  so  great,  and  cruelty  of  every  kind  so  unheard  of, 
cannot  but  be  hateful  and  accursed  in  the  sight  both  of  God  and  man. 
Through  the  covetousness  of  the  gentry  the  State  has  suffered  grievous 
injury ;  while  we,  by  the  loss  of  the  commons,  have  in  like  manner 
been  wronged ;  but  we  will  demand, — and  I  promise  you  we  will 
obtain  it  too, — we  will  demand  that  our  wrongs  be  righted.  As 
regards  the  field  I  have  enclosed,  I  will  make  it  common  for  all  men ; 
and  not  only  so,  but  will  make  it  common  with  my  own  hands  at  once. 
To  bring  my  speech  to  an  end,  if  any  measure  is  for  your  advantage, 
rest  assured  I  will  ever  second  it  to  the  utmost  of  my  power,  not  as 
your  companion,  but  as  your  general,  your  standard-bearer,  and  your 
chief :  in  a  word,  I  will  not  only  be  present  at  your  councils,  but 
henceforth  will  preside  at  them." l  Inflamed  by  his  words,2  they  sur- 

1  "  To  frame  them  the  better  to  his  allure,  Kett  told  them,  both  often  and  with 
vehement  voice,  how  they  were  overtopped  and  trodden  down  by  gentlemen  and  other 
their  good  masters,  and  put  out  of  all  possibility  ever  to  recover  foot ;  how,  whilst  rivers 
of  riches  ran  into  the  landlords'  coifers,  they  were  pared  to  the  quick,  and  fed  upon  pease 
and  oats  like  beasts  ;  how,  being  fleeced  by  these  for  private  benefit,  they  were  flayed  by 
public  services  and  customs,  wherein,  whilst  the  richer  sort  favoured  themselves,  they 
were  gnawed  to  the  very  bones ;  how,  the  more  to  terrify  and  torture  them  to  their 
minds,  and  to  wind  their  necks  more  surely  under  their  arm,  their  tyrannous  masters  did 
often  implead,  arrest,  and  cast  them  into  prison,  and  thereby  consume  them  to  worse 

2  "  His  illi  despicatissimi  viri,  ac  omnium  qui  unquam  post  homines  natos  exstiterunt 
turpissimi,  vocibus  accensi,"  &c. — Nevylle. 


rounded  him  on  all  sides,  and  with  many  shouts  testified  the  joy  they 
felt  at  having  gained  so  great  an  acquisition  to  their  cause.  They  then 
spread  themselves  over  the  field  before  mentioned,  and  in  accordance 
with  their  original  design,  filled  up  the  ditches  and  laid  it  open.  When 
they  had  done  this,  they  seem  to  have  felt  that  they  had  made  a  good 
beginning ;  that  now  the  power  of  the  oppressor  would  cease,  and  free- 
dom henceforth  be  their  portion ;  and,  urged  on  partly  by  their  own 
daring  and  present  success,  and  partly  by  the  exhortations  of  their 
leader,  as  Kett  now  was,  whose  words  acted  like  fire  on  their  inflam- 
mable tempers,  they  looked  upon  disturbing  the  peace  as  a  small 
matter,  and  became  eager  to  produce  such  a  change  in  the  government 
of  the  country  as  might  be  beneficial  to  themselves. 

The  encouragement  they  met  with  from  Kett  "  soe  animated  the 
harts  of  such  of  them  into  whome  Rebellion  was  easily  entrid,  that  they 
proceeded  further  to  doethelyke,  and  specially  in  Flowerdew's  close," 
by  whom  this  levelling  of  enclosures  had  been  so  injudiciously  encou- 
raged ;  he  having  bribed  them,  as  we  have  just  seen,  to  level  those  of 
Kett,  at  whose  instigation,  most  probably,  they  again  took  their 
way  to  Hethersett,  in  order  there  to  "  doe  the  lyke."  Plowerdew  en- 
deavoured to  dissuade  them  from  their  tumultuous  proceedings ;  but 
finding  this  of  no  avail,  and  vexed  by  the  mischief  the  people  were 
doing,  in  addition  to  what  they  had  done  him  on  their  former  visit,  he 
inveighed  with  much  bitterness  against  Kett,  and  accused  him  of 
having  collected  this  wild  and  rebellious  mob,  calling  him  a  wicked 
and  bad  man,  a  pest  to  his  country,  and  the  leader  of  a  parcel  of 
vagabonds.  He  endeavoured  to  resist,  but  all  his  resistance  was  of  no 

than  nothing ;  how  they  did  palliate  these  pilleries  with  the  fair  pretences  of  authority 
and  law ;  '  fine  workmen,  I  warrant  you,  who  can  so  closely  carry  their  dealings,  that  men 
only  can  then  discern  them  when  it  is  beyond  their  power  to  prevent  them  ;'  how  harmless 
counsels  were  fit  for  tame  fools ;  but  for  them,  who  had  already  stirred,  there  was  no  hope 
but  in  adventuring  boldly :  and  so,  by  oft  and  earnest  repeating  of  these  and  the  like 
speeches,  and  by  bearing  a  confident  countenance  in  all  his  actions,  the  vulgar  took  him 
to  be  both  valiant  and  wise,  and  a  fit  man  to  be  their  commander,  being  glad  that  they 
had  found  any  captain  to  follow."—^  John  Hayward's  Life  of  Edward  VI. 
1  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


avail ;  for  with  much  shouting  and  clamour  they  levelled  his  hedges 
and  filled  up  the  ditches.  Having  finished  this  matter,  they  surrounded 
Kett,  and  demanded  of  him  that  he  would  solemnly  pledge  himself  to 
stand  their  friend,  as  he  had  already  promised  to  do  :  he,  for  "  lacke 
of  Grace,  and  pretending  to  doe  good  thereby  to  the  Commonwealth, 
sayd,  hee  would  assist  them  with  body  and  goods  ;"  1  and  further 
exhorted  them  to  be  of  good  cheer,  and  to  follow  him  as  the  author  of 
their  freedom,  and  the  righter  of  their  wrongs.  "  The  office,"  said  he,J 
"  which  the  State  has  bestowed  upon  me,  I  will  never  lay  down,  until 
you  have  obtained  your  rights.  Your  deliverance  and  safety  are  with 
me  objects  of  the  greatest  interest,  and  to  obtain  these  I  refuse  not  to 
sacrifice  my  substance,  yea,  my  very  life  itself,  so  highly  do  I  esteem 
the  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged  :"  "whereuppon1  of  a  small  com- 
pany, att  the  first  not  above  five  or  six  persons,  they  encreased  to 
servants  and  vacabones,3  that  they  would  not  be  resysted." 4 

With  Robert  Kett  was  associated  his  brother  William,  a  butcher ' 
of  Wymondham,  who,  in  consequence  of  his  extreme  hardihood  and 
courage,  was  highly  esteemed.  With  these  commanders  they  formed 
themselves  into  a  camp,  at  the  report  of  which  numbers  of  idle  and 
desperate  fellows,  and  great  crowds  of  servants  and  runagates,  came 
flocking  from  all  parts  to  join  them.  Kett  thought  he  was  now 
supported  by  a  sufficient  force  to  warrant  his  acting  more  boldly  than 
he  had  as  yet  done :  accordingly,  having  committed  much  havoc  at 
Wymondham,  Hethersett,  and  the  adjacent  villages,  he  on  the  10th 
of  July  2  crossed  the  river  at  Cringleford,  and  came  to  Bowthorpe, 
where,  having  cast  down  certain  hedges,  and  received  great  additions 
to  the  number  of  his  followers,  he  directed  them  to  encamp  for  the 
night.  Hither  Sir  Edmund  Windham,  Knt.,  High  Sheriff  of  Norfolk 
and  Suffolk,  came  and  proclaimed  them  rebels,  and  commanded  them, 
in  the  king's  name,  to  depart  peaceably  to  their  own  homes :  had 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  Nevylle.  3  I.  e.  "  vagabonds." 

4  The  accompanying  sketch  represents  the  Oak  at  Hethersett,  under  which  Kett  stood 
when  delivering  the  above  address. 

5  Described  as  a  "  mercer"  in  the  king's  writ  to  the  judges. 



not,  however,  his  horsemanship  been  better  than  his  rhetoric,  himself 
had  not  departed  the  place ;  for,  being  greatly  offended  at  his  speech, 
they  attempted  to  seize  him ;  but,  as  he  was  well  horsed,  he  brake 
through  those  that  had  compassed  him  in,  and,  escaping  from  them, 
hastened  with  all  speed  to  Norwich,  about  two  miles  distant.  The 
same  night  a  great  many  people  from  the  city  and  country  came  to 
them  with  such  weapons  as  they  had  succeeded  in  collecting.  And 
now  the  rebels  began  to  "  play  their  pranks,"  l  threatening  to  burn 
the  house  and  deface  the  Dove-Cote  (formerly  a  chapel,3  before  it 
was  turned  from  a  house  of  prayer  to  a  den  of  thieves),  of  Master 
Corbet's,  of  Sprowston,  committing  many  other  outrages  wherever 
they  came. 

On  the  preceding  day,  July  9th,  they  had  thrown  down  the 
quickset  hedge  and  filled  up  the  ditches  that  enclosed  the  common 
pasture  of  the  City,  called  the  Town  Close,5  which  hedge,  &c.,  kept  in 
the  neat  cattle  of  the  poor  freemen  of  the  City,  which  were  there 
pastured  and  looked  after  by  the  neatherd,  who  received  of  every 
owner,  by  custom,  a  halfpenny  for  every  beast  kept  there  ;  and  so  that 
fence  which,  by  good  and  provident  advice  of  their  forefathers,  had 
been  raised  for  the  common  profit  of  the  City,  was  thus  cast  down 
by  the  very  persons  whose  interest  it  was  made  for.  Scarcely  had 
they  thrown  down  the  ditch  in  the  upper  part  of  it  than  very  many 
seditious  people,  to  whose  ears  rumour  had  made  known  what  was 
taking  place,  escaped  secretly  from  the  City,  and  "  partlie  uppon 
former  talke  att  the  Game  aforesayde,  and  partly  uppon  sodeyne 
admonishment,  were  easly  assentive  to  that  Rebellion."  •* 


1  Blomefield. 

1  The  following  extract  from  King  Edward's  Book  of  Sales  relates  to  this  chapel : — 

Chantry,  College,  &o.  Vatulf          Purchase.  Purchaser. 

Chauntry  of  S.  Mary  Magdalene^  £  t.    d.  f  £     s.    d.~^ 
in    Sprouston,  in    the    county  I  9    0    6  I  97fi    n    ft  I  Bob.  Southwell  kt. 
of  Norf.  &  divers  other  lands,  f  2  19     6 1  and  John  Corbet. 

&c J  I  J 

— Strype's  Mem.  Eccles.  vol.  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  407. 
3  See  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  3116,  App.  (I).  \  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


The  City  authorities,  headed  by  the  Mayor,  Thomas  Codd,  felt 
themselves  called  upon  to  interfere  as  soon  as  they  heard  of  the  out- 
rages committed  on  the  Town  Close.  The  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and 
principal  citizens  assembled  in  the  Council  Chamber,  July  9th  and 
10th,  and,  as  the  following  items  show,  did  their  best  to  meet  the 
difficulties  in  which  they  had  so  unexpectedly  become  involved  :  * — 

"  In  primis  the  ix  day  of  July  to  Edmond  Pynchyn  for> 

his  costs  rydyng  to  London  in  post  and  from  thense  1  „ 

to  Wynsore  to  the  Kyngs  cownsell  w*  letters  con-  f 
cernyng  y e  rysyng  of  y e  said  pepyll  J 

For  this  journey  he  subsequently  received  an  additional  recom- 
pense : 2 — 

"  Itm.  to  Edmond  Pynchyn  for  certen  costs  payd  by  hym  -\ 
ovr  and  above  xl8  dd  3  to  hym  by  the  accomptant  ye 
ix    daye   of    July   beyng    the   fyrste   day   of    the  V —  „    x 
Comocon  he  than  rydyng  w*  letters  to  the  Kyngs 
cownsell  and  for  hys  payns  in  y'  Jorney     

"  Itm.  to  John  Eevell  the  young1  for  an  horse  sadyll  and  \ 

brydyll  for  the  said  Pynchyn    }        "    ^ 

"  Itm.  pd  to  another  man  for  his  payns  and  costes  and 

horse  hyer  rydyng  w*  letters  for  the  same  cause  to  }•  —  „    v  „  iiij 
Sr  Eoger  Townesend 

"  Itm.  to  the  iijd  man  for  leke  causes  rydyng  w4  lettyrs  to 
Syr  Wylhn  Paston  Knyght4    

Having  thus  sent  for  aid,  they,  with  the  Mayor,  proceeded  to 
the  Town  Close,  July  9th,  in  order  to  dissuade  the  insurgents  from 
their  enterprise.  On  his  arrival,  the  Mayor  found  them  committing 
all  kinds  of  enormities,  and  indulging  in  every  species  of  excess. 
He  tried,  with  money  and  fair  words,  to  win  them  from  their  pur- 
pose and  induce  them  to  return  peaceably  home;  but  they  turned 
a  deaf  ear  to  all  his  offers.  He  accordingly  returned  to  the  City. 
After  his  departure  they  began  to  think,  and  were  further  con- 

1  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  301,  App.  (I).  2  Id.  p.  3136. 

3  I.  e.  "  delivered." 

4  Sir  William  Paston  resided  at  Oxnead,  near  Aylsham. 


vinced  of  this  by  certain  men  coming  to  them  from  the  City  with 
small  boughs  in  their  hands  (which  was  the  sign  agreed  upon), 
that  if  they  remained  any  longer  scattered  one  from  another,  they 
would  without  difficulty  be  overcome :  it  seemed,  therefore,  very 
desirable  that  they  should  all  be  collected  into  one  place,  and  no 
longer  continue  dispersed,  as  hitherto  they  had  been.  With  this 
view  they  proceeded  to  Eaton  Wood,  which,  after  a  careful  survey, 
they  found  unfit  and  inconvenient  for  pitching  their  camp  :  it  was 
then  unanimously  agreed  that  they  should  go  at  once  to  Mouse- 
hold  Heath  and  make  that  their  fixed  abode.  Without  delay1 
they  sent  to  the  Mayor  messengers,  who  said  "  That  they  were 
desirous  of  passing  quietly  through  the  City,  because  that  way 
was  the  easiest  and  most  convenient  for  them;3  they  would  not 
do  harm  or  injury  to  any  one,  and  hoped  he  would  allow  them 
to  do  as  they  proposed."1  The  Mayor  replied,  "Since  the  dis- 
position with  which  they  were  actuated  towards  the  State  was 
decidedly  hostile,  he  would  not  allow  them  to  pass  through  the 
City."  He  then  upbraided  them  with  "  many  sharpe  and  bitter 
checks  for  their  disorders,"  *  as  men  that  were  seditious,  and 
desirous  of  disturbing  and  throwing  all  things  into  confusion.  He 
further  endeavoured  to  deter  them  from  their  enterprise,  by 
telling  them,  as  they  would  soon  find  by  experience,  that  such 

1  Nevylle. 

2  "For  that  theyr  mest  (sic)  way  lay  through  the  Cytye  they  cravid  Lyscens"  to 
pass  through  it. — Nicholas  SotTierton. 

3  A  similar  application  had  been  made  by  the  insurgents  in  Yorkshire,  as  appears 
from  the  following  document,  preserved  in  the  Treas.  of  Kec.  of  Exchequer : — 


"  MY  Lord  Mayre  and  all  the  commons.  "We  have  us  commendyd  unto  youe  and 
Require  youe  to  send  us  word  by  this  same  berer  or  yet  by  whom  please  youe  to  New- 
burgh  to  morrow  nexte  aganste  nyght  whether  youe  wooll  peaseable  suffer  us  to  passe 
throgh  this  the  King's  citie  with  your  favore  or  not,  if  case  soo  require  and  at  New- 
borowe  at  the  "White  Lyon  shall  a  post  be  redy  from  us  to  receive  your  answer.  And 
thus  fare  you  well  ffrom  Beverley  this  morning  in  hast. 

"  by  the  commons  assemblied  ther." 

4  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


attempts  would  most  surely  have  a  bad  ending.  His  words  only 
made  them  more  resolute  than  when  they  had  come  to  him.  Being 
thus  disappointed,  they  spent  that  night  in  Eaton  Wood. 

The  same  day  (July  9th),  when  the  aldermen  and  principal 
citizens  had  again  met  in  council,  the  Mayor  related  what  had 
taken  place  between  himself  and  the  rebels. 

The  following  item l — 

"  For  drynke  in  the  Counsell  Chambyr  the  is  and  x  days  "1 

of  July   ]  —,,—,,  vj 

shows  that  the  deliberation  thereupon  ensuing  was  very  long,  and 
that  it  continued  during  the  following  day,  there  being  much  diver- 
sity of  opinion  as  to  what  was  best  to  be  done.  Some  thought  no 
time  should  be  lost,  but  that  they  should  be,  if  possible,  dispersed 
at  once ;  since,  if  they  were  not,  it  was  likely  they  would,  under 
the  influence  of  their  excited  feelings,  bring  ruin  upon  the  whole 
county.  Others,  however,  thought  that  while  the  affair  was  one  of 
the  greatest  danger,  it  was  one  that  needed  the  most  careful  con- 
sideration and  the  most  prudent  counsels,  to  bring  matters  to  a 
happy  termination.  "  It  is  very  true,"  they  said,3  "  that  this  dis- 
position to  be  quick  in  resisting  them  proceeds  from  a  high  and 
courageous  spirit ;  still  we  cannot  help  thinking  it  a  rash  and 
dangerous  course  to  adopt, — in  fact,  just  that  course,  the  whole 
praise  or  blame  of  which  would  depend  upon  the  result,  which  at 
the  best  was  doubtful,  and  most  frequently  was  unfavourable. 
Wherefore,  we  advise  that  you  fortify  the  city,  appoint  watch  and 
ward,  and  dispose  the  citizens  along  the  walls  and  in  all  suitable 
places.  And,  since  by  law  it  is  forbidden  to  collect  an  armed  force 
without  the  King's  command,  we  think  no  attempt  should  be  made 
to  put  the  rebels  down,  but  that  we  ought  to  wait  until  we  learn 
what  his  wishes  are,  and  receive  authority  from  him  to  act." 

This  proposal  was  acceded  to,  as  the  one  most  suitable  to  the 
peculiar  and  trying  circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed.     It 

1  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  301.  2  Nevylle. 


might,  to  the  more  high-spirited  and  energetic  of  the  citizens,  savour 
of  timidity,  and  seem  a  course  unworthy  of  them,  as  intrusted  with  the 
government  and  preservation  of  the  city  and  its  inhabitants ;  it  was 
one,  too,  that  might  excite  a  suspicion  in  high  quarters,  of  their  being 
inclined  to  favour  the  insurgents,  of  "  the  towne  being  confederat  with 
them,"  1  and  of  their  failing  to  do  their  duty  in  suppressing  the  com- 
motion ;  but  the  cautious  rather  than  bold  policy  prevailed,  and  no 
other  steps  were  taken  than  those  already  mentioned. 

On  the  llth  of  July,  Sir  Roger  Wodehouse,  Knt.,2  taking  his 
household  servants  with  him  and  three  carts,  two  laden  with  beer  and 
a  third  with  provisions,  followed  the  rebels,  with  the  view  of  endeavour- 
ing to  dissuade  them  from  their  undertaking,  imagining  that  they 
being  his  near  neighbours 3  would  have  had  respect  to  his  kindness, 
and  have  minded  his  persuasions ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  they  seized 
him,  stripped  him  of  his  apparel,  took  his  horses  and  all  he  had  from 
him,  cruelly  tugged  and  cast  him  into  a  ditch  of  one  Morricc's,  of 
Nether-Earlham,  by  Hellesdon  Bridge,  and  would  there  have  slain 
him,  had  it  not  been  for  his  servant's  courage,  who  could  not,  how- 
ever, free  him  from  their  hands  ;  but  his  life  was  spared,  and  he  was 
carried  off  as  a  prisoner  and  detained  in  custody  by  the  insurgents. 

The  following  extract  from  the  "Wodehousc's  Pedigree  contains  a 
poetical  version  of  this  affair : 

"  His  son  Sir  Eoger  was,  that  Little  hight,4 
Who  what  he  wants  in  bulk  makes  up  in  spright;5 
Which  caused  him  to  resist  the  Eebell  rout 
Of  Kett  and  his  comrades,  who  were  about 

1  Journal  of  Edward  VI.  2  Blomefield's  Hist,  of  Norfolk,  vol.  i.  p.  759. 

3  He  resided  at  Kimberley,  about  four  miles  from  Wymondham. — "  The  first  seat 
here  belonged  to  the  Fastolff  family,  and  stood  on  the  west  side  of  the  village,  until  Sir 
John  Wodehouse,  who  married  the  heiress  of  Sir  John  Fastolff,  demolished  it,  and  erected 
a  moated  hall,»with  a  tower,  at  the  west  end  of  the  park.    *     *    *     Queen  Elizabeth,  in 
her  progress  through  Norfolk,  in  1578,  lodged  here,  where  a  noble  throne  (still  preserved) 
was  erected  for  her  reception,  covered  with  crimson  velvet,  and  richly  embroidered  with 
gold."—  White's  Norfolk  Directory  :  Kimberley. 

4  I.  e.  "  was  called."  *  I.  e.  "  spirit." 

F    2 


To  maim  him,  but's  '  man  Edgerly  2  the  stout 
Him  rescued,  whilst  courageously  he  fought. — 
His  servant's  valiant  act  and  loyaltye 
He  recompenced  with  forty  pounds  in  Fee  : 
Which  at  this  day  they  enjoy,  and  still  inherit, 
And  to  the  house  still  keep  their  honest  spirit."  '•' 

The  same  day,  the  insurgents,  having  failed  to  obtain  "the 
Lyscens  "  they  had  "  cravid  "  to  pass  through  "  the  Cytye,"  the  grant- 
ing of  "  which,  for  want  of  warrant  therefore  from  the  Prynce,  not 
knowing  what  might  chance,  was  adjudged  a  doughbtful  enterpryse, 
until  further  commission  from  the  Prince,"*  determined  to  pass  over 
Hellesdon  Bridge  :  its  narrowness  proving  a  hindrance,  especially  for 
their  horses  and  waggons,  they  threw  into  the  river  great  quantities 
of  timber,  especially  faggots  and  trunks  of  trees,  by  means  of  which 
they,  with  all  their  horses  and  baggage,  speedily  passed  over.  That 
night  they  spent  at  Drayton,  and  the  next  day,  July  12th,  proceeded 
towards  Household,  pulling  down  all  the  hedges  they  met  with.  They 
also  carried  out  their  threat,  given  shortly  before,  of  defacing  the  Dove 
Cote,  that  had  formerly  been  a  chapel,  belonging  to  John  Corbet, 
of  Sprowston,  whose  goods  they  also  spoiled  ;  and  wherever  they  came 
they  did  the  like. 

This  destruction  of  the  Dove  Cote  might,  at  first  sight,  seem  to 
have  been  only  a  piece  of  wanton  mischief ;  but  in  reality  dove-cotes 
were  considered  as  grievances,  as  appears  from  the  following  extract 
from  Kett's  petition  to  the  King : 5 

"  We  pray  that  no  man  under  the  degre  of  a  knyght  or  esquyer,  kepe  a  dowe 
house,  except  it  hath  byn  of  an  ould  ancuyent  costome  ;  " 

and  their  destruction  of  this  particular  one  was  an  example  of  their 
own  rough  way  of  remedying  this  grievance. 

Having  reached  Household,  they  took  possession  of  the  hill  called 


1  I.  e.  "  but  his." 

-  The  last  of  this  man's  descendants  died  about  1730,  and  the  estate  lay  in  Eunhall. 

3  Blomefield,  vol.  i.  p.  759. 

4  Nicholas  Sotherton.  *  Harl.  MSS.  No.  304,  fol.  75. 


{f^W.^tJ:'  •     ~:; 













Mount  Surrey,1  "  for  that  there  uppon,  in  the  place  sometime  called 
St.  Leonards,  there  was  a  place  after  the  manner  of  a  pilgrymage,3  for 
resort  of  people  for  dyvers  diseases,  in  which  place  the  late  Erie  of 
Surrey  dysceacid  had  buildyd  a  very  pleasant,  large,  and  goodly  place, 
calling  it  Mount  Surreye."3  This  hill  is  separated  from  Norwich  hy 
the  river  Wensum,  which  flows  at  the  foot  of  it :  towards  the  south  it 
was  bounded  by  Thorpe  and  Thorpe  wood,  and  towards  the  north  and 
east  lay  Mousehold  Heath/  extending  three  or  four  miles  in  length  and 
breadth.  The  discontented,  the  desolate  and  oppressed,  those  for  whom 
no  man  had  cared,  had  now  their  "  camp,"  as  such  gatherings  were 
called;  and  having  this,  great  numbers  from  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  and 
other  parts,  joined  them  daily ;  blazing  beacons  and  pealing  bells 
spreading  the  tidings  that  the  men  of  Norfolk  had  raised  a  standard, 
round  which  all  such  might  gather ;  and  far  and  wide  was  the 
rumour  sent,  and  thronging  multitudes  came  pouring  in  from  quiet 
villages  and  market  towns, — the  peaceful  abodes  of  humble  rustics 
and  simple-minded  farmers,  hitherto  content  with  complaining,  but 
now  roused  to  action,  as  the  distant  beacon  sent  its  glare  across  the 
landscape,  or  as  the  village  bells,  hitherto  associated  only  with  days  of 
holy  rest,  and  happy  times  forgotten  now  in  the  wild  storm  of  social 
excitement  in  which  they  were  living,  summoned  them  away  to  join 
the  bold  spirits  gathering  on  Mousehold  Heath. 

In  order &  "  to  have  a  fayre  shew  and  similitude  of  well  doinge,  they 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

2  For  an  account  of  St.  Leonard's  Priory,  see  Appendix  (F). 

3  "  "Which  standing  uppon  the  brow  of  an  hy  hyll  had  the  Tyver  (sic)  beneth  yt, 
betwixt  the  City  of  Norwich  in  the  "West  syde  thereof." — Nicholas  Sotherton. 

4  "  Mousehold,  or  as  it  is  commonly  called  Mussel-hill,  is  a  large  heath  now,  but  was 
most  of  it  wood  formerly,  and  is   about  four  or  five   miles   in   length  and   breadth. 
Alexander  Nevylle  calls  it  Muscosus  Mons,  the  Mossy  Hill,  and  would  have  it  called 
Moss-wold,  from  the  moss  growing  on  it,  and  "  wold  "  signifying  a  hilly  country  void  of 
wood ;  but  as  it  is  certain  this  was  a  wood,  that  etymology  will  not  bear.     I  take  the 
proper  name  to  be,  as  it  is  often  written  in  evidences  very  ancient,   Monks-hold,  it 
belonging  in  a  great  measure  to  the  Norwich  monks,  who  had  a  cowherd  to  keep  their 
cattle  there."— BlomefieU. 

5  Nicholas  Sotherton 


first  procurd  a  Priyst  to  mynister  thyer  morninge  and  evening  prayer 
in  the  Inglish  tonge,  then  newly  begon l  to  bee  frequentyd :"  their 
chaplain  was  Thomas  Coniers,  minister  of  St.  Martin's,  on  the  Palace 
Plain,  who  was  constrained  by  them  to  pray  to  God  that  their  enter- 
prise might  prosper.  A  strange  proceeding  this,  if  we  are  to  regard 
these  men  as  the  ready  perpetrators  of  every  species  of  crime,  the 
daring  violators  of  all  laws,  human  and  divine,  the  followers  of  the 
most  abandoned  wretch  that  ever  lived,  as  Nevylle  would  have  us 
believe.  Such  a  step  as  this  showed  plainly  that  the  leaders  of  this 
movement  were  thoroughly  in  earnest ;  that  so  far  from  being  anxious 
about  "  the  old  religion,"  they  accepted  and  availed  themselves  of  the 
"new  forme"  recently  established;  "the  iron  had  entered  into  their 
soul,"  and  stirred  their  inmost  nature ;  they  were  determined  to  act,  to 
do  their  part  in  obtaining  redress ;  but  feeling  that  this  would  be  of  no 
avail  without  God's  blessing,  they  committed  their  cause  to  Him,  and 
morning  and  evening  was  His  help  invoked.  At  the  same  time,  there 
is  no  difficulty  in  believing  that  many  amongst  that  vast  multitude, 
instead  of  being  actuated  by  any  sentiments  of  this  kind,  would  regard 
the  present  only  as  a  favourable  opportunity  for  indulging  in  those 
excesses,  which  always  accompany  popular  tumults.  They  also 
joined  to  their  cause,  or  rather  made  them  in  appearance  join,  divers 
persons  who  were  esteemed  for  religion,  doctrine,  virtue,  and  innocency 
of  life ;  among  whom  were  Robert  Watson,  Thomas  Codd,  mayor,  and 
Thomas  Aldrich,  of  Mangreen  Hall,  Swardeston. 

Of  Robert  Watson,  it  was  recorded  in  the  Norwich  Roll,3  that  he 
was  "  a  newe  Preacher,"  one  in  great  estimation  with  all  men,  whose 
persuasions  they  somewhat  liked,  and  therefore  chose  him  to  give  them 
spiritual  counsel,  and  to  be  as  an  umpire  in  all  consultations,  by  whose 
counsel  and  advice  Coniers  was  procured,  who  both  morning  and  even- 
ing called  them  to  prayer,  and  the  preacher  gave  them  many  good 

1  The  Order  of  Common  Prayer  was  drawn  up  in  English,  and  "  prepared  to  be 
confirmed  and  enacted  by  the  Parliament  that  sat  Nov.  24th,  1548  ;  when  the  use  of  it 
was  by  law  enjoined,  and  to  commence  at  Whitsuntide  following,  1549." — Strype's  JEccles. 
Mem.  vol.  ii.  book  I.  ch.  2. 

2  Now,  unfortunately,  no  longer  in  existence. 


admonitions,  hoping  by  this  means  to  recall  them,  whom  afterwards 
they  imprisoned.  It  was  to  this  Mr.  Watson  the  undermentioned 
commission  was  directed  :l 

"  Itm.  gaf  in  reward  the  xiij  day  of  July  to  pursevant  ^ 

Grove,  who  brought  a  Comyssyon  to  Mr.  Watson   I  i       ., 

under  the  gret  sele  of  Inglond  for  reformacon  of  f 
dyv"  thyngs    J 

The  arrival  of  this  commission — probably  the  one  promised  by 
the  Protector  at  the  commencement  of  the  month — was  an  event  of  no 
slight  importance,  as  appears  from  the  next  item  :l 

"  Itm.  to  Pynchyns  wyff  for  brede  and   drynke  in  the- 
Cownsell  Charabyr  that  day  and  for  Candyll  lyght 
above  and  byneth,  the  Cownsell  syttyng  all  that  day 
and  nyght  tyll  aftyr  mydnyght 

We  might  imagine,  from  the  exceeding  importance  of  this  docu- 
ment, it  would  be  preserved  among  the  City  muniments ;  but  it  is  no 
longer  in  existence.  After  the  delivery  of  this,  the  pursuivant  re- 
turned to  London  the  following  night.' 

"  Itm.  for  a  man  and  ij  horses  to  brynge  ye  forsayd  purse-  ~)  ~~       _„ 

vant  to  Attylburgh  the  xiiij  daye  at  nyght     i 

The  next  item  can  be  connected  with  the  rebellion  only  upon 
the  supposition  that  "  long  Lawrence,"  being  the  Council's  messenger, 
was  sent  on  so  many  errands  that  they  could  not  do  otherwise  than 
reward  his  activity : 

"  Itm.  the  same  daye  to  long  laurens  for  a  payer  of  Shoes  ")  ~  » 

by  comandm1  of  the  Cownsell ) 

1  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  301.  2  Id.  p.  303. 


The  other  two  associated  with  Kett  were  Thomas  Codd,1  the 
mayor,  and  Thomas  Aldrich,2  "  a  man  of  good  wisdome  and  honesty, 
and  welbeloved."3  These  three  were  compelled,  much  against  their 
will,  to  be  present  at  their  councils,  and  to  undertake,  in  conjunction 
with  Kett,  the  administration  of  their  affairs,  a  circumstance  which 
subsequently  proved  very  advantageous,  "  for  that  att  ech  time  the 
said  Kett  wolde  by  his  sinister  will  with  his  adherents  command  eny 
unlawfull  things  to  bee  done  in  the  contry,  the  seid  Thomas  Aldrich 
did  let  and  pacific  the  controversies  therein.  And  allsoe  the  sayd  Ket 
&c.  willed  the  like  doing  in  Norwich  that  did  Thomas  Codd  lett ;  and 
in  that  they  together  agreid  not  in,  that  did  Robert  Watson,  the 
preacher,  by  his  perswasion  lett."4  And  though  the  proceedings  of 
Kett  were  of  an  "  inordinate  "  character,  "  in  commanding  precepts 
to  attach  Gentlemen  prisoners ;  others  to  provide  viand  for  theyr 
returne,  that  is  bred  come,  and  drinke,  some  to  bee  baken  and  breud  ; 5 
others  to  goe  in  commyssion  to  lay  open  common  growndes  ;  others 
to  encrease  theyr  numbers  :  yet  in  these  things  the  seid  Mr.  Codd,  Mr. 
Aldrich,  and  the  seid  Mr.  Wattson,  were  partley  faine  to  agree,  lest 
they  being  out  of  favour  and  place,  others  might  come  to  bring  all 
things  out  of  frame  that  now  might  partly  bee  well  framid.  And  the 
rather  they  assentid  to  keepe  the  people  in  better  order,  during  answer 
from,  the  Prynce  what  ells  they  might  furder  doe." 

Besides  this  Great  Camp,  as  that  on  Mousehold  was  called,  there 
was  a  less  one  formed  at  Rising  Chase,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Castle 
Rising,6  by  the  insurgents  of  Lynn,  Downham,  and  other  places. 

1  For  an  account  of  Thomas  Codd,  see  Appendix  (G). 

-  "  Thomas  Aldrich,  mayor  in  1507  and  1516.  He  resided  at  Mangreen  [Hall,] 
and  was  much  esteemed  by  all  classes.  During  Kett's  Rebellion  he  was  of  great  service 
to  the  City,  frequently  acting  as  mediator  between  the  rebels  and  the  citizens.  In  1559 
he  was  buried  in  Swardestone  church." — Norf.  Archasol.  vol.  iii.  p.  187. 

3  Nicholas  Sotherton.  *  Idem. 

6  In  the  Appendix  (H)  I  hare  given  "  The  Town  Accounts  of  North  Elmham, 
relative  to  Kett's  Rebellion,"  wherein  mention  is  repeatedly  made  of  provisions  sent  to 
the  Camp,  and  evidently  for  the  use  of  the  rebels. 

6  Blomefield  (vol.  ii.  p.  158)  considers  this  gathering  at  Castle  Rising  to  have  been 
preceded  by  one  that  took  place  before  Kett's  Rebellion;  but  his  arguments  are  so 
unsatisfactory,  that,  unwilling  as  I  am  to  contradict  so  good  an  authority,  I  have  arrived 


"  1549.  John  Marcanter  Mayor.  This  year  was  St.  James's  Church  pulled  down, 
and  the  Commons  of  Norfolk  did  rebell,  and  kept  their  Camp  at  Moushoud  beayde 
Norwidge  and  Rysing  besyde  Linn.  Captain  Kett  was  the  Chief  of  the  Rebelles."  ' 

"  Ite.  pd.  the  same  daye  (July  15)  to  Mr.  Powte  that  broughte  to  Dounam 
campe,  iiijd." '' 

With  regard  to  this  camp,  it  may  be  observed  that  there  is  still 
an  oak 3  at  Ryston,  about  three  miles  from  Downham,  called  Kett's 
Oak,  from  those  who  afterwards  joined  Kett  on  Household  having 
encamped  about  it ;  these,  with  others  from  the  neighbouring  places, 
collected  at  Castle  Rising,  but,  by  the  active  exertions  of  the  gentry, 
were  speedily  dispersed.  They  re-assembled  at  Watton,  and  remained 
there  about  a  fortnight,  stopping  the  passage  across  the  river  at 
Brandon  Ferry  and  Thetford ;  at  length,  by  Kett's  order,  they  joined 
him  at  his  Great  Camp. 

At  the  same  time,  there  were  disturbances  at  Cambridge  and  in 
Suffolk.  At  Cambridge,4  July  10th,  a  hundred  persons  or  more  met 
together  with  a  drum,  and  proceeded  to  pull  down  the  fences  of  a 
close  at  Barnwell,  belonging  to  Bailiff  Smyth.  The  Mayor  went  after 
them  to  prevent  mischief,  and  was  followed  by  the  Vice-chancellor  and 

at  the  conclusion  he  was  mistaken.  He  mentions  the  collections  in  the  City  Churches, 
and  the  fire  in  Conisford,  as  proving  the  correctness  of  his  assertion ;  but  it  may  be 
answered,  though  the  account  of  these  collections  precedes  "  Other  mynute  expenses  hade 
and  pa  betwyxt  mydsomr  and  myhelmes,"  and  so  favour  the  idea  of  their  having  beeu 
made  before  midsummer,  1549 ;  on  examination  it  will  be  found  that  they  follow 
"  receipts  for  the  last  half  year  "  ending  at  Michaelmas  1549,  and  payments  that  were 
made  when  the  rebellion  had  come  to  an  end.  While  the  "  fire  "  is  mentioned  several 
times,  and  is  distinctly  attributed  to  the  rebels;  as  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  the 
Appendix  (I),  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  pp.  287,  304,  304J,  305J. 

1  Copied  from  a  vellum  roll  of  the  mayors  of  Lynn,  prepared  in  the  year  1597. 

2  Household  Accounts  of  Lestrange  of  Hunstanton. — Archasol,  xxv.  p.  557. 

3  The  following  extract  relating  to  this  oak,  taken  from  the  "  Magna  Britannia," 
vol.  iii.  p.  348,  1724,  is  evidently  incorrect.     "  Between  this  place  and  West  Dereham, 
our  chorographers  place  Kett's  Oak,  or  as  he  called  it,  the  Oak  of  Reformation,  where 
Comers,  the  chaplain  of  the  rebels,  read  prayers  and  preached,  and  their  court  set  to 
administer  justice  and  regulate  disorders.     Dr.  Parker,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  after- 
wards preached  to  the  rebels  under  this  tree,  and  exhorted  them  to  be  quiet,  and  lay  down 
their  arms,  but  it  had  almost  cost  him  his  life." 

4  Annals  of  Cambridge,  vol.  ii.  p.  36, — by  C.  H.  Cooper,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 



Heads.  The  Vice-chancellor  and  Mayor  met  twice  that  day  in  St. 
Mary's  Church,  respecting  the  business,  "  and  at  length  were  hardlye 
pacyfyed."1  On  the  13th  of  July,  Somerset3  wrote  to  the  Vice-chan- 
cellor and  Mayor,  and,  having  commended  their  "  wyse  dealing  "  with 
those  who  had  been  "  attempting  disclosures  and  rernedyes  of  their 
owne  greifes,"  urged  them  so  to  behave  as  might  "  best  tend  to  the 
comon  quiett."  From  the  Treasurer's  accounts,  in  which  is  mentioned 
the  charge  "  for  carying  out  of  Gallows  and  a  newe  rope,"  it  seems 
that  though  some  of  the  insurgents  were  pardoned,  in  compliance  with 
Cecil's  request,3  yet  that  others  paid  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law. 
While  with  regard  to  the  people  of  Suffolk,  the  following  letter 
from  the  Council  to  the  Princess  Mary  *  shows  not  only  that  the 
Devonshire  rising 5  was  known  by  them,  but  also  that  it  was  supposed 
they  were  encouraged  by  Mary,  whose  residence  at  Kenninghall 6  would 
easily  have  enabled  her  to  countenance  the  attempts  of  those  seditiously 
disposed,  if  she  had  been  inclined  to  do  so.7 

"  After  our  due  commendations  unto  your  Grace  :  the  same  doth 
understand  (we  doubt  nott)  the   seditious  assemblees,  tumults  and 

1  Dr.  Lamb's  Cambridge  Documents,  119,  120,  quoted  by  C.  H.  Cooper,  Esq., 
vol.  ii.  p.  36.  2  For  Somerset's  Letter,  see  Appendix  (K). 

3  For  Somerset's  letter  to  "  Cicill,"  see  Appendix  (L). 

4  State  Paper  Office — Domestic — Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  31.     July  xviij.  1549. 

5  See  Appendix  (M)  for  a  concise  account  of  this  rising. 

6  It  was  this  circumstance  that  "  gave  some  umbrage   to  these  jealousies  against 
her." — Strype. 

7  On  the  attainder  of  Thomas,  duke  of  Norfolk,  Kenninghall  palace  was  seized  by 
Henry  the  Eighth,  and  settled  on  the  then  Lady  Mary,  who  kept  her  court  here. 

Afterwards  it  was  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  hands,  who  was  often  here :  she  it  was  that 
ordered  her  tenant  Chapman,  who  then  lived  in  Fersfield  Lodge,  to  lay  out  the  way  now 
called  Chapman's  Entry,  out  of  her  own  ground,  the  old  way  being  so  strait  that  the 
Queen  could  not  conveniently  pass  through  it :  it  is  now  disused,  and  is  called  Queen 
Bess's  Lane,  from  her  being  scratched  with  the  brambles  in  riding  through  it,  as  tradition 
tells  us.  It  continued  in  the  Norfolk  family  as  their  capital  seat  in  this  county,  till  early 
in  the  eighteenth  century,  when  it  was  pulled  down,  and  the  materials  sold  for  a  trifle, 
with  which  great  numbers  of  chimnies  and  walls  in  the  neighbourhood  are  built,  aa  is 
evident  from  the  Mowbraya'  and  Arundels'  arms  which  are  upon  the  bricks." — Blomefield's 
Norfolk:  KenningTiall. 


other  unlawful!  doings  of  many  in  sundry  places  of  the  realme 
directly  against  God,  against  the  allegeance  to  the  King's  majesty, 
and  the  Common  Wealth *  of  the  realme  ;  for  the  stay  whereof,  lyke  as 
we  have  doon  and  from  tyme  to  tyrne  will  by  the  ayd  of  God  doo 
all  that  in  us  may  he ;  so  nothing  doubting  but  your  Grace  is  of  the 
same  good  will  and  disposition,  we  coud  not  but  advertise  you  of  that 
we  have  heard  of  certain  servants  of  yours,  who  be  reported  unto  us 
to  be  chief  stirrers,  procurators  and  doers  in  these  commotions,  where- 
of one  is  a  Priest  and  Chapleyn  of  your  Grace's  in  Devonshire,  being 
att  Sandford  Courtney  in  Devonshire,  and  one  other  servant  of  yours 
in  Suff.  called  Pooley,  late  a  receyvour,  who  is  reported  to  be  not 
only  a  Captayn  of  the  worst  sort  of  them  that  be  assembled  in  Suff., 
but  also  to  be  of  such  creditt  amongs  the  assembles  of  these  rebelles 
in  all  other  places  as  his  Passport  only  may  give  good  security  to  goo 
and  come  as  they  will  even  to  Devonshire  :  we  hear  also  of  one  other 
houshold  servant  of  your's,  called  Byonell,  and  of  great  lyk  creditt 
amongs  the  rebells  in  Suff.2  And  albeit  we  think  your  grace  hath  no 
certain  knowledge  of  these  your  servants  doings,  yet  for  that  your 
proceedings  in  matters  of  religion  be  such  as  are  openly  known  to  be 
against  the  proceedings  of  the  King's  Majesty  and  the  hole  realme, 
and  such  as  (we  fear)  have  given  no  small  courage  to  many  of  these 
men  to  require  and  do  as  they  do,  We  thought  necessarie  not  only 
to  give  your  Grace  notice  of  the  premisses,  and  that  in  many  places 
they  seame  to  take  both  example  and  great  courage  of  their  doings, 
but  also  to  pray  you  to  give  such  order  for  the  stay  of  your  servants 
so  as  they  would  have  no  occasion  to  judge  that  any  towards  you  shuld 
be  doers  in  thies  tilings  against  his  Majesty."  But  she  presently 
vindicated  herself  and  her  servants,  and  declared  her  dislike  of  these 
practices  by  an  earnest  letter,  written  July  20,  being  the  same  day  she 

1  For  an  interesting  use  of  this  expression,  see  Appendix  (N). 

2  There  was  undoubtedly  strong  suspicion  entertained  that  the  Lady  Mary  was  impli- 
cated ;  for,  in  addition  to  the  above,  a  letter  (July  sixth)  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith's,  described 
as  "  one  of  England's  most  upright  and  able  statesmen  "  (Patr.  Frazer  Tytler),  is  preserved 
at  the  St.  P.  Off.  Dom.— Edw.  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  33),  in  which  he  says,  "  Illud  de  Mario, 
vel  Marianis,me  valde  angit,  immo  prope  exanimat.  Faxit  Deus  Opt.  Max.  pro  sua  dementia 
malum  id  avertat."  3  Strype's  Mem.  Eccles.  vol.  ii.  pt.  I.  c.  21. 

G   2   ' 


received  the  Council's.  Por  first,  as  to  her  servants,  she  showed1  "  how 
she  had  not  one  chaplain  in  those  parts ;  that  Pooly  remained  con- 
tinually in  her  house,  and  was  never  doer  among  the  commons,  nor 
came  into  their  company.  It  is  true  she  had  another  servant  of  that 
name  dwelling  in  Suffolk,  and  whether  the  commons  had  taken  him 
or  no,  she  could  not  tell ;  but  by  report  they  had  taken  by  force  many 
gentlemen  in  those  quarters,  and  used  them  very  cruelly,  and  perhaps 
so  he  might  be  served.  That  as  for  the  third,  she  could  not  but 
marvel  at  the  bruit  of  him,  especially  because  he  dwelt  within  two 
miles  of  London,  and  was  not  acquainted  with  the  shires  of  Suffolk  or 
Norfolk,  nor  at  any  time  came  into  those  parts  but  when  he  waited 
upon  her  at  her  house,  .and  was  then  at  London  about  her  business ; 
being  also  a  man  not  at  all  apt  or  meet  for  such  purposes,  but  given 
to  as  much  quietness  as  any  within  her  house.  She  added,  that  it 
troubled  her  to  hear  such  reports  of  any  of  hers,  and  especially  where 
no  cause  was  given  ;  trusting  that  her  household  should  try3  themselves 
true  subjects  to  the  King's  Majesty,  and  honest,  quiet  persons,  or  else 
she  would  be  loath. 

"  And  as  for  herself,  she  assured  the  Protector  that  these  stirs  did 
not  less  offend  her  than  him  and  the  rest  of  the  Council.  And  for 
Devonshire,  no  indifferent  person  could  lay  their  doings  to  her  charge, 
for  she  had  neither  land  nor  acquaintance  in  that  country.  And 
whereas  they  charged  her,  that  her  proceedings  in  matters  of  religion 
should  have  given  no  small  courage  to  many  of  those  men  to  require, 
and  to  do,  as  they  did ;  that,  she  said,  appeared  to  be  most  untrue,  for 
that  all  the  rising  about  the  parts  where  she  was,  was  touching  no  part 
of  religion.  But  even  as  they  ungently,  and  without  desert,  charged 
her,  so  she  omitted  so  fully  to  answer  it  as  the  cause  required,  and 
would  pray  God  that  their  new  alterations  and  unlawful  liberties  were 
not  rather  the  occasions  of  these  assemblies  than  her  doings,  who  was, 
God  she  took  to  witness,  inquieted  therewith." 

The  following  extracts  from  the  Register  of  the  Privy  Council 
show  very  plainly  the  disturbed  state  of  Suffolk  :— 

'  "  E  MSS.  Eev.  Pair.  D.  Johanu.  Episcop.   Elien."— Strype.  2  I.  e.  "  prove." 


a  I 

•  The  same  threasurer "  (Mr.  Peckham)  "  had  warrant  for 
C  mks  to  Sir  Anthony  Wyngfeld,  sent  into  Suff.  for  the  stay  of  that 
Shire.— Aug.  iij,  1549."  l 

"  Mr.  Carew  had  warrant  for  iij"  vj9  viijd  to  one  Wood 
by  way  of  reward,  and  Love,  Breton  and  Myller  forty  shillings 
a  pece,  so  also  in  reward  for  service  done  in  pacifying  the  commo- 
tions in  Suffolk. — Aug.  x." 

"  Mr.  Williams  had  warrant  for  x1'  to  Mr.  Taswall  for  his  peynes 
riding  to  Suffolk  and  returning  again  about  the  pacifying  of  the  com- 
motions there,  to  be  repayed  of  the  sales. — Aug.  x."  3 

"  The  same  threasurer "  (Mr.  Williams)  "  had  warrant  for 
xij1'  Xs  to  Thomas  Drurry  in  Reward  to  him  and  his  Band  for  thappre- 
hension  of  one  Peyn,  a  notable  Rebell  of  Suff.  This  of  the 
sales. — Aug.  xij."  4 

"  Mr.  Williams  had  warrant  for  vh  to  Mr.  Cecill  delyverecl  by 
him  to  one  of  Mr.  Rouses  servantes  in  reward  for  bringing  hither  a 
Rebell  out  of  Suff.— Aug.  xiij."  5 

"The  same  threasurer"  (Mr.  Williams)  "had  warrant  for  xls  to 
William  Cecill  of  the  sales  geven  by  him  in  reward  for  a  servant  of 
Sir  Anthony  Wingfeldes  that  brought  a  stranger  hyther  out  of 
Suff.— Aug.  xx."  6 

"  Sir  John  Williams  had  warrant  for  vb  to  Mr.  Cycill  payed  by 
him,  viz.  iij"  to  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth  that  brought  a  prisoner 
out  of  Suff.,  and  xl5  to  a  servant  of  Sir  Anthony  Wingfeldes  for 
bringing  to  the  Court  one  Sherman  a  Rebell." 

"  Thomas  Persee  had  warrant  for  xxrf  vjs  viij4,  viz.  to  William 
Barnard  for  apprehending  a  notable  Rebell  and  carrying  him  to  be 
hanged  at  Brandon  fery,  vu  to  Mr.  Walpole  for  xxx8  in  reward 
to  serten  persones  of  Bury  *  *  *  *  xxx"  to  John  Hurless  for 
apprehension  of  serten  seditious  persons.  *  *  *  xix.  Aug."  7 

"  Mr.  Williams  had  warrant   for  v"  to  Edmund  Moon,  for  the 

1  Edw.  VI.  vol.  i.  p.  557.  2  Vol.  i.  p.  561.  *  Vol.  i.  p.  561. 

4  Vol.  i.  p.  562.  5  Vol.  i.  p.  564.         «  Vol.  i.  p.  566.        7  Vol.  i.  p.  570. 


bringing  hither  out  of  Suff.,  by  the  order  of  the  Lord  Protector's 
Grace  and  Counsel,  of  one  Richard  Wade. — xxi.  Aug." l 

"Thomas  Persee  had  warrant  *  *  *  for  xxs  to  Richard 
Wade,  sent  hyther  out  of  Suff.  and  accused  as  a  styrrer  of  se- 
dicion,  whereof  he  hath  cleared  himself.  And  for  xl3  to  serten 
men  of  Sudbury  for  bringing  up  of  one  Thomson,  a  sedicious 
person. — xxij  Aug." 

"Warrant  to  for  v1'  to  Sir  Anthony  Wingfield 

for  bringing  iij  prysoners  out  of  Suff.,  and  to  Christofer  Lees 
and  John  Sutton  for  bringing  a  prisoner  out  of  the  same  counte, 
xx3. — xij  Nov."3 

And  when  the  commotion  in  Norfolk  had  been  put  down, 
and  the  leaders  had  perished,  "  light  ffellowes "  still  persisted  in 
going  about  the  country,  influenced  by  the  prophecies  current  at 
the  time,  and  desirous  of  stirring  up  others  to  do  as,  it  may  be, 
they  themselves  had  done  in  the  troubles  shortly  before  ended. 

"  Lettres  *  to  Sir  John  Gates  to  apprehend  certeyn  light  ffellowes 
that  came  out  of  Suff.  to  Wyttam  in  Essex,  where  they  drynke 
all  day  and  looke  uppon  bookes  in  the  night,  texamyn  them,  take 
their  bookes,  and  send  them  up  with  their  examinacions,  and  put 
them  in  sure  hold. — viii  March  "  [1550]. 

But  to  return  :  as  soon  as  the  report  of  the  camp  at  Household 
reached  Suffolk,  the  people  collected  in  great  numbers,  and  assailing 
Yarmouth  suddenly,  surprised  and  seized  the  two  bailiffs,  John 
Myllicent  and  Nicholas  Penn,  Esqrs.,5  by  whom  it  was  governed  ;  but 
these  afterwards  escaped,  and  exerted  themselves  with  their  fellow- 
townsmen  so  effectually,  as  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  a  subsequent 
page,  that  the  insurgents  left  this  part  of  the  county,0  and  joined 

1  Edw.  VI.  vol.  i.  p.  572.  2  Vol.  i.  p.  573.  s  Vol.  ii.  p.  34. 

4  Privy  Council  Register,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  ii.  p.  113. 

5  Swinden's  History  of  Great  Yarmouth. 

6  For  this  service  they  received   the  following  letter  from   the  lords  of  the  Privy 
Council : — 

"After  our  hearty  commendations.     "We  have  received  advertisement  by  the  bearer 
Thomas  "Woodhouse,  that  ye  have  very  honestly  kept  the  town  against  the  rebels  ;  your 


Kett  at  his  Great  Camp,  where  he  was  now  so  well  established,  with 
thousands  flocking  to  his  standard  and  Norwich  itself  at  his  command, 
that  he  felt  in  a  position  to  issue  warrants  in  the  following  form  : — 

"  "We,  the  King's  friends  and  deputies,  do  grant  license  to  all  men 
to  provide  and  bring  into  the  Camp  at  Household  all  manner  of  cattle 
and  provision  of  vittels,  in  what  place  soever  they  may  find  the  same, 
so  that  no  violence  or  injury  be  done  to  any  honest  or  poor  man  : 
commanding  all  persons,  as  they  tender  the  King's  honor  and  roiall 
majestic,  and  the  reliefe  of  the  Common  Welthe,  to  be  obedient  to  us 
the  Governors,  and  to  those  whose  names  ensue. 

(Signed)  "  ROBT.  KETT."  l 

The  names  of  the  delegates  were  also  appended — two  from  each 

Having  thus  attended  to  the  commissariat,  his  next  step  was  to 
draw  up  a  list  of  grievances,  the  most  important  document  connected 
with  the  rising,  and  which,  fortunately,  is  still  in  existence.  It  com- 
mences with  the  names  of  the  deputies  or  delegates  from  twenty-two 

diligence  therein  we  take  in  good  part  towards  you,  and  require  a  continuance  in  you  for 
the  same,  and  now  that  "Woodhouse  cometh  down  thither,  who  is  vice-admiral,  the  same  is 
instructed  for  the  order  of  the  ships  and  mariners,  which  you  shall  follow.  And  con- 
sidering that  the  port  of  Yarmouth  is  towards  the  country  of  Scotland,  and  so  most  likely 
to  attempt  matter  against,  it  shall  be  best  that  you  have  a  special  regard  unto  it  and 
namely  to  keep  your  mariners  together  for  the  service  of  the  King's  Majesty  as  occasion 
may  require  thus  fare  you  heartily  well. 

"  Tour  loving  frends 

"  E.  SOMERSET,  &c." 
"  From  Westminster,  26.  July,  1549." 

Swinden's  Hist,  of  G.  Yarmouth. 

1  "  Nos  Kegis  amici  ac  Delegati :  pecoris  et  cujusvis  generis  commeatus  conquirendi, 
necnon  in  castra  Mousholdica  deferendi  potestatem  omnibus  concedimus,  quocunque  in 
loco  deprehenderint,  dummodonequa  visaut  injuria  honesto  ac  pauperi  cuipiam  inferatur. 
Cunctis  ex  imperio  denuntiantes,  prout  honor!  ac  Majestati  EegisB,  Eeique  public* 
afflicte,  provisum  et  consultum  volunt,  nobis  Delegatis,  et  his  quorum  nomina  subse- 
quuntur  dicto  audientes  esse. 

MomefieWs  Norf.  Nevylle. 


hundreds  in  Norfolk,  and  one  only  from  Suffolk,1  and  is  drawn  up  in 
the  form  of  a  petition  : — 

"  We  pray  your  grace  that  where  it  is  enacted  for  inclosyng,  that 
it  be  not  hurtfull  to  suche  as  have  enclosed  saffren  2  grounds,  for  they 
he  gretly  chargeablye  to  them,  and  that  frome  hensforth  noman  shall 
enclose  eny  more. 

"  We  certifle  your  grace  that  where  as  the  lords  of  the  manours 
hath  byn  charged  wl  certe  fre  rent,3  the  same  lords  hath  sought 
meanes  to  charge  the  freholders  to  pay  the  same  rent,  contrarye  to  right. 

"  We  pray  your  grace  that  no  lord  of  no  manner  shall  comon 
uppon  the  Comons.4 

"  We  pray  that  prests  frome  hensforth  shall  purchase  no  londs 
neyther  ffre  nor  Bondy,  and  the  lands  that  they  have  in  possession 
may  be  letten  to  temporall  men,  as  they  have  bye-  (sic)  wer  in  the 
fyrst  yere  of  the  reign  of  Kyng  henry  the  vijth.5 

1  Harl.  MSS.  304,  fo.  75.     The  names  will  be  found  in  Appendix  (O).      The  list  is 
evidently  incomplete,  as  Nevylle  says  twenty-six  hundreds  were  represented,  whereas  only 
twenty-two  are  mentioned  in  the  MS.     It  may  be  interesting  to  state,  that  though  it  has 
the  appearance  of  having  been  injured  by  fire,  and  is  in  parts  defective,  it  is,  upon  the 
whole,  very  legible,  and  in  a  fair  state  of  preservation.     The  signatures  are  very  firmly 
and  plainly  written. 

2  This  word  is  far  from  being  clear  in  the  original :    one  conjecture  is  "  saifren," 
though  it  seems  scarcely  credible  that  "  saffron  "  could  have  been  of  so  much  importance 
that  the  enclosing  of  "  saffron  grounds  "    could  be  a  grievance.      Another  conjecture  is, 
"  sufficient,"  though  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  this  agrees  with  the  rest.     In  the  Instruc- 
tions issued  July,  1549  (State  P.  Off. — Dom. — Edw.  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  10),  there  is  no 
mention  either  of  "  saffren  "  or  "  sufficient "  grounds. 

3  The  "fre  rent"  was  the  rent  due  from  a  lord  of  a  manor  to  the  superior  lord 
under  whom  he  held  it :  he  was  bound  to  pay  this  himself,  and  not  to  exact  it  of  others. 

4  This  was  clearly  a  grievance,  and  one  they  were  perfectly  justified  in  complaining  of. 

5  It  is  difficult  to  account  for  this  grievance,  unless  we  assume  that  "  prests"  having 
land  in  their  possession  neglected  their  spiritual  duties  :  the  latter  part,  fixing  a  limit  to 
the  rent,  was  an  error  in  judgment,  which  we  shall  be  the  more  inclined  to  excuse  if  we 
bear  in  mind  that  at  this  very  time  wages  were  fixed  by  law  (25  Edw.  III.  stat.  1,  c.  1 — 4) . 
It  seemed  to  them  unreasonable  that  there  should  be  no  restrictions  on  rent,  while  there 
were  restrictions,  and  those,  too,  of  old  date  (and  therefore  not  adapted  to  the  times) 
upon  the  remuneration  of  those  by  whom  that  land  was  cultivated. 


"  We  pray  that  Redeground  and  mcdowe  grounde  may  be  at 
suche  price  as  they  wer  in  the  first  yere  of  Kyng  henry  the  vij11'.1 

"  We  pray  that  all  marshysshe  that  ar  holden  of  the  Kyngs 
majestie  by  ffre  rent  or  of  eny  other,  may  be  ageyn  at  the  price  that 
they  wer  In  the  ffirst  yere  of  King  henry  the  vij"'. 

"  We  pray  that  all  Bushells  w'in  your  realme  be  of  one  stice,  that 
is  to  sey,  to  be  in  mesure  viij  gallons.2 

"  We  pray  that  [prests]  or  vicars  that  be  [not  able]  to  preche 
and  sett  forth  the  woorde  of  god  to  hys  parisheners  may  be  thereby 3 
putt  from  hys  benyfice,  and  the  parisheners  there  to  chose  an  other 
or  else  the  pateron  or  lord  of  the  towne.4 

1  We  have  here,  and  in  the  following  article,  a  similar  error  in  judgment. 
2tT  his  was  in  strict  accordance  with  Magna  Charta,  e.  sxv.,  which  appoints  that 
"  One  measure  of  Wine  shall  be  through  our  Realm,  and  one  measure  of  Ale,  and  one 
measure  of  Corn,  that  is  to  say,  the  Quarter  of  London ;  and  one  breadth  of  dyed  Cloth, 
Russets,  and  Haberjects,  that  is  to  say,  two  yards  within  the  Hats ;  and  it  shall  be  of 
Weights  as  it  is  of  Measures." 

The  following  differences  in  the  bushel  may  be  mentioned  as  showing  the  existence  of 
the  above  grievance  still : 

At  Gloucester  the  bushel  of  wheat  weighs     60  Ib. 

Birmingham   62 

Newcastle-on-Tyne    63 

Liverpool    70 

Newcastle-ou-Tyne barley 56 

Birmingham  42 

and  probably  other  examples  might  be  given. 

The  same  might  be  said  of  other  measures,  nominally  the  same,  but  in  reality  widely 
and  inconveniently  differing ;  the  fact  being,  that  while  there  is  one  established  by  law, 
there  are  others  which  owe  their  origin  and  authority  to  custom. 

3  I.  e.  "  Because  of  this  inability  to  discharge  their  duties,"  of  which  there  was  too 
good  reason  to  complain  at  this  time. 

4  There  are  two  ways  in  which  we  may  regard  this  grievance : 

a.  Directly,  as  a  sincere  desire  on  the  part  of  Kett  that  the  clergy  should 
discharge  their  duties  ;  but  that  if,  as  was  the  case  with  too  many,  they  could 
not,  then  their  livings  should  be  voided,  and  given  to  other  and  better 
men  ;  or 

6.  Indirectly,  as  showing  a  feeling  which  they  dare  not  openly  express,  in  favour 
of  the  "  old  religion,"  the  prominent  putting  forward  of  the  incompetency  of 
their  present  "  prests  and  vicars,"  being  intended  as  a  compliment  to  and  an 
expression  of  their  affection  for,  those  who  had  in  time  past  filled  these  oflices. 

H  The 


"  We  pray  tliat  the  payments  of  castillward  rent,1  and  blanche 
f  Ferine,9  and  office  lands,15  which  hath  byn  accostoraed  to  lie  gathered 
of  the  tenaments,  where  as  we  suppose  the  lords  ought  to  pay  the 
same  to  ther  balyffs  for  ther  rents  gatberyng,  and  not  the  tents.4 

"  We  pray  that  woman  under  the  degre  of  a  knyght  or  csquyer 
kepe  a  dowe  howse,5  except  it  hath  byn  of  an  ould  anchyent  costome." 

"  We  pray  that  all  ffreholders  and  copieholders  may  take  tlie 
profights  of  all  cofnons,  and  ther  loi'dn  (w;)  to  couion,  and  the  lords 
not  to  comon  nor  take  profights  of  the  same.7 

The  former  seems  the  more  correct  view;  since  it  is  incredible  that,  while  in  many 
other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  especially  in  Devonshire,  nt  this  very  time,  spiritual 
grievances  were  boldly  alleged  as  justifying  rebellion,  the  people  of  Norfolk,  as  repre- 
sented by  Kett  and  his  Governours,  should  have  been  guilty  of  such  moral  cowardice  as 
to  be  afraid  to  state  distinctly  what  they  had  to  complain  of.  Had  such  a  course  been 
suggested,  one  may  easily  imagine  Kett  as  exclaiming,  "  Such  counsels  are  fit  for  tame 
fools."  See.  p.  29,  note. 

1  The  lord  of  a  manor  was  entitled  to  certain  payments  for  the  maintenance  of  his 
castle.     Originally  those  who  held  under  him  were  bound,  with  their  retainers,  to  serve 
in  person  for  a  certain  time  each  year  :  this  personal  service  was  afterwards  changed  into 
a  money  payment,  called  "  castleward  rent."     This  commutation  would  be,  in  two  ways, 
a  loss  to  the  "  teuaments,"  or  tenants:  for,  first,  they  would  no  longer  have  their  annual 
visit  to  the  castle,  with  the  good  fare,  and  other  advantages  connected  therewith ;  and,  in 
the  next  place,  the  lord  made  them  pay  this,  instead  of  doing  so  himself. 

2  When  the  established  rents  of  the  freeholders  of  a  manor  were  reserved  in  silver 
or  white  money,  they  were  anciently  called  «-7«Ye-rents,  or  blanch-farms. — Blackstone, 
bk.  II.  c.  3. 

3  The  lands  here  meant  were  most  probably  Crown  lands,  the  rent  of  which  would 
be  payable  by  the  lord  holding  under  the  Crown.  4  I.  e.  "  tenants." 

5  Their  feeling  was  so  strong  against  such  houses,  that  they  called  them  "  dens  of 
thieves  ;"  at  which  we  cannot  be  surprised,  if  we  bear  in  mind  the  quantity  of  grain  doves, 
or  more  properly  pigeons,  will  consume. 

fi  "  A  lord  of  a  manor  may  build  a  dove-coat  upon  his  own  land,  parcel  of  the  manor ; 
but  a  tenant  cannot  without  the  lord's  licence.  Any  freeholder  may  build  a  dove-coat  on 
his  own  ground.  And  it  hath  been  adjudged  that  erecting  of  a  dove-house  is  not  a  com- 
mon nuisance,  nor  presentable  in  the  leet.  While  the  destroying  of  them  is  punishable  ;  yet 
if  they  come  upon  my  land  and  I  kill  them,  the  owner  hath  no  remedy  against  me  :  tho' 
I  may  be  liable  to  the  statutes  which  make  it  penal  to  destroy  them." — Burn's  Justice 
of  tlie  Peace  :  Game. 

7  This  is  a  repetition  of  the  third  Grievance,  with  the  additional  mention  of  those  to 
whom  they  wished  the  "  profights,"  i.  e.  profits,  of  the  commons  to  be  confined. 


"  We  pray  that  no  Pfeodorye  l  w'in  your  sheres  shalbe  a  coun- 
eeller  to  eny  man  in  his  office  makyng,  wherby  the  Kyng  may  be 
trulye  served,  so  that  a  man  beeng  of  good  consyence  may  be  yerely 
chosyn  to  the  same  office  by  the  comons  of  the  same  sheyre." 

"We  pray  your  grace  to  take  all  libertie  of  lete  into  your  owne 
hands  wherby  all  men  may  quyetly  enjoy e  ther  comons  wl  all 

"  We  pray  that  copiehould  londs  that  is  onrcsonable  rented  may 
go  as  it  dyd  in  the  first  yore  of  Kyng  henry  the  vij  *  and  that  at 
the  deth  of  a  tenante  or  of  a  sale  the  same  lands  to  be  charged 
wl  an  esey  ffyne  as  a  capon  or  a  resonable  [sum]  of  money  for  a 

"  We  pray  that  no  prest  [shall  be  a  chaplain] 6  nor  no  other 
officer  to  eny  man  of  honor  or  wyrshypp  but  only  to  be  resydent 
uppon  ther  benefices  wherby  ther  parysheners  may  be  enstructed  \v' 
the  lawes  of  god. 

"  We  pray  thatt  all  bonde  men  may  be  made  ffre  for  god  made 
all  ffre  w'  his  precious  blode  sheddyng. 7 

1  I.e.  "  feudatory,"  or  holder  of  a  feud,  fief,  or  fee. 

2  The  meaning  seems  to  be,  that,  in  the  case  of  all  offices  which  lasted  only  for  a 
year,  the  appointment  should  be,  not  in  the  hands  of  a  feudatory,  but  in  those  of  the 
"comons  of  the  same  shevre:"  in  other  words,  they  thought  popular  election  would 
secure  better  servants  for  the  King,  than  private  patronage. 

3  The  Court  Leet  "  hath   cognisance  of  a  great  number  of  ofl'euces  both  by  the 
common  law  and  by  statute :  but  a  man  cannot  be  presented  in  the  Leet  for  surcharging 
the  common,  or  for  digging  in  the  common;  because  this  concerns  the  private,  not  the 
publiek  interest,  and  belongs  rather  to  the  Court  Baron  to  inquire  of  it.    The  business  of 
the  Leet  hath  declined  for  many  years  ;  and  is  devolved  on  the  Quarter  Sessions." — Burn's 
Justice,  of  the  Peace  :  Leet. 

From  the  above  Grievance  it  would  seem  that  there  was  a  disposition  on  the  part  of 
those  entitled  to  hold  Court  Leets,  to  extend  their  jurisdiction  to  the  commons,  so  as  to 
interfere  with  the  rights  of  those  entitled  to  commonage. 

4  This  was  another  error  in  judgment. 

•'  In  cases  of 'fine  arbitrary  it  cannot  be  more  than  two  years'  improved  value. 

G  This  is  entirely  conjectural,  as  the  original  does  not  afford  the  slightest  clue  as  to 
what  the  missing  words  were. 

"  The  existence  of  this  article  enables  us  to  account  for  much  that  otherwise  would  be 
inexplicable.  Taking  this  as  the  foundation  on  which  they  rested  their  hopes  and  claims, 

H  2 


"  We  pray  that  Ryvers  may  be  ffre  and  comon  to  all  men  for 

fyshyng  and  passage. l 

"  We  pray  that  noman  shalbe  put  by  your  Esthetory  and 
Efeodarie  to  ffynde  eny  office  unles  he  holdeth  of  your  grace  in 
cheyff  or  capite  above  xu  by  yere. 3 

"  We  pray  that  the  pore  mariners  or  Eyshereme  may  have  the 
hole  profights 3  of  ther  fyshyngs  as  purpres  4  grampes  5  whalles  or  eny 
grettfyshe  so  it  be  not  prejudicallto  your  grace.6 

we  are  not  surprised  at  finding  indications  of  deeper  seriousness  and  of  a  higher  tone  of 
feeling  than  usually  accompany  popular  outbreaks  :  thus,  their  proceedings  were  con- 
ducted with  a  certain  measure  of  order  and  sobriety  ;  justice  was  duly  administered 
amongst  them,  beneath  the  wide-spreading  branches  of  their  Oak  of  Reformation  ;  the  new 
liturgy,  morning  and  evening,  was  read  amongst  them  by  a  regularly  appointed  chaplain  ; 
ministers  of  the  gospel  were  allowed  to  address  them,  and  with  boldness  to  rebuke  their 
faults,  which  plainly  showed  they  were  not  a  lawless  rabble  ;  and  but  few  acts  of  personal 
violence  are  recorded.  But  the  time  had  not  yet  come  for  "  bonde  men  "  to  obtain  their 
freedom  ;  years,  many  years,  of  fierce  contention  and  of  deadly  strife  would  have  to  pass 
away,  and  many  a  hard-fought  field  be  won,  before  this  precious  boon  would  be  secured 
to  all.  The  blow  thus  aimed  at  the  feudal  system  at  present  was  of  no  avail ;  but  after 
the  great  Puritan  struggle,  one  of  the  earliest  acts  Charles  II.  was  to  abolish  the  iniquities 
and  oppressions  which  had,  in  the  course  of  time,  been  grafted  upon  it :  "  the  court  of 
wards  and  liveries,  and  all  wardships,  &c.,  are  totally  taken  away ;  as  are  also  all  fines  for 
alienation,  tenures  by  homage,  &c.,  and  aids  for  marrying  the  daughter,  or  knighting  the 
son ;  and  that  all  sorts  of  tenures  be  turned  into  free  and  common  soccage,  save  only 
tenures  in  frankalmoign,  copyholds,  and  the  honorary  services  (without  the  slavish  part) 
of  grand  serjeanty." — 12  Oar.  II.  c.  24. 

1  "  All  evil  customs  concerning     *     *     rivers  and  their  keepers,  shall  forthwith  be 
inquired  into,  in  each  county,  by  twelve  knights  of  the  same  shire,  chosen  by  the  most 
creditable  persons  in  the  same  county,  and  upon  oath  ;  and  within  forty  days  after  the 
said  inquest,  be  utterly  abolished,  so  as  never  to  be  restored." — Magna  Charta,  c.  Ivi. 
Restrictions  on  fishing  and  passage  were  clearly  regarded  by  Kett  as  "  evil  customs,"  and 
as  these  still  existed,  he  prayed  the  King  for  their  removal. 

2  The  meaning  is  far  from  clear :  it  may  be,  "  that  DO  man  shall  hold  any  oifice 
himself,  or  be  compelled  to  find  a  substitute,"  unless  his  holding,  feud,  fief,  or  fee,  amounted 
to  £10  a  year. 

3  Profits.  4  Porpoises.  5  Grampuses. 

6  One  of  the  King's  prerogatives  was,  and  still  is :  "  The  King  shall  have  Wreck  of 
the  Sea  throughout  the  Eealm,  "Whales  and  great  Sturgeons  taken  in  the  Sea  or  elsewhere 
within  the  Eealm,  except  in  certain  Places  privileged  by  the  King." — 17  Ediv.  II.  stat.  1, 
c.  11 ;  or,  The  King's  Prerogative. 


"  We  pay  y4  evry  propriatorie  parson  or  vicar  havyng  a  benefice 
of  xu  or  more  by  yere  shall  eytlier  by  themselves  or  by  some  other 
persone  teche  pore  mens  chyldren  of  ther  paryshe  the  boke  called  the 
cathakysme l  and  the  prymer.2 

"  We  pray  that  it  be  not  lawfull  to  the  lords  of  eny  mannor  to 
purchase  londs  frely3  and  to  lett  them  out  ageyn  by  copie  of  court  roll 
to  ther  gret  advaunchement  and  to  the  undoyng  of  your  pore  subjects. 

"  We  pray  that  no  propriatorie  parson  or  vicar  in  consideracon 
of  advoyding  trobyll  and  sute  betwyn  them  and  ther  pore  parishners 

I  am  indebted  to  Chas.  John  Palmer.  Esq.,  P.S.A.,  for  the  following  interesting 
information  on  this  Grievance  : 

"  GREAT  YARMOUTH,  1st  Mai/,  1859. 

*  *  *  "  Whales,  sturgeons,  porpoises,  dolphins,  and  other  fish,  '  having  in  them 
a  great  or  large  thickness  of  fatness,'  are  called  '  Fishes  Royal,'  and  from  ancient  time 
have,  by  right  or  custom,  belonged  to  the  Crown.  In  1559,  Queen  Elizabeth,  by  charter, 
made  a  grant  to  the  town  of  Yarmouth,  of  all  fishes  royal  taken  between  "Winterton 
Ness  in  Norfolk,  and  Easton  Ness  in  Suffolk,  which  grant  was  confirmed  by  James  I.  in 
1608,  and  the  town  enjoyed  the  privilege,  such  as  it  was,  till  1835,  when  the  Municipal 
Corporation  Act  abolished  all  local  admiralty  jurisdictions. 

"  A  few  years  since  (1857),  a  whale  came  on  shore  at  AVinterton,  and  I,  as  receiver 
of  droits  for  the  Crown,  reported  the  circumstance,  and  was  instructed  to  assert  the 
Queen's  right  to  the  same,  which  I  did,  although  the  parties  who  had  got  possession  of 
it  were  allowed  to  retain  it." 

1  "  A  Breife  Catechisme  and  Dialogue  betwene  the  Husbande  and  hyg  Wyfe  :  "  also, 
"  The  instruccyon  of  the  truthe  :  wherein  he  teacheth  the  unlearned  man." — N.  d.,  but 
published  1545. 

2  "  A  goodly  prymer  in  Englysshe,  newely  corrected  and  prynted,  with  certeyne  godly 
meditations  and  prayers  added  to  the  same,  very  necessarye  and  profytable  for  all  them 
that  ryghte  assuredlye  understande  not   the  latine  and   greke   tongues." — N.  d.,lut 
published  in  1535. 

3  /.  e.  to  purchase  freehold  land  and  then  to  make  it  copyhold,  a  course  of  proceeding 
that  would  give  the  lord  all  the  privileges  to  which,  under  the  feudal  system,  he  was 
entitled  at  the  hands  of  those  holding  feuds,  fiefs,  or  fees  under  him. 

It  would  seem  from  this,  that  lords  of  manors  purchased  freehold  land,  and  united 
it  to  the  manors  they  already  held,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  two  main  principles  that 
support  copyhold  tenure  ;  viz., 

1.  That  the  land  be   parcel  of,  and  situate  within,  the   manor  under  which  it  is 
held ;   and 

2.  That  it  has  been  demised,  or  demisable,  by  copy  of  court-roll  immemorially.— 
Blackstone' s  Commentaries,  bk.  II.  c.  6. 


whiche  they  daly  do  precede  and  attempt  shall  from  hensforth  take 
for  the  full  contentacon  of  all  the  tenthes  which  nowe  they  do  receyve 
hut  viijd  of  the  noble  in  the  full  discharge  of  all  other  tythes.1 

"We  pray  that  no  man  under  the  degre  of  shall 

kepe  eny  conyes  upon  any  of  ther  owne  frehold  or  copiehold  onlcs  he 
pale  them  in  so  that  it  shall  not  be  to  the  comons  noysoyns.- 

"  We  pray  that  no  person  of  what  estate  degre  or  condicion  he  be 
shall  from  hensforth  sell  the  adwardshyppe  of  eny  chyld  '  hut  that  the 

1  The  wording  is,  unfortunately,  so  obscure,  that  it  is  difficult  to  determine  the 
meaning.  It  is  probablv,  however,  a  foreshadowing  of  Tithe  Commutation,  the  levying 
of  tithes  in  kind  having  invariably  been  accompanied  with  much  ''  trobyll  and  sute " 
between  the  clergy  and  their  parishioners. 

Co\vper,  in  his  "  Yearlv  Distress,  or,  Tithing-Time  at  Stock  [-HarwardJ,  in  Essex," 
hns  graphically,  though  somewhat  coarsely,  described  this  '•trulnll ;  "- 

"  Come  ponder  well,  for  'tis  no  jest. 

To  laugh  it  would  be  wrong  ; 
The  troubles  of  a  worthy  priest 
The  burden  of  my  song. 

"  This  priest,  he  merry  is  and  blithe 

Three  quarters  of  a  year, 
But  oh  !  it  cuts  hiai  like  a  scythe 
When  tithiug-tiine  draws  near. 

*     "  In  sooth,  the  sorrow  of  such  days 

Is  not  to  be  express'd, 
When  he  that  takes  and  he  that  pays 
Are  both  alike  distress'd. 

*     *     "Oh!  why  are  farmers  made  so  coarse, 

Or  clergy  made  so  fine  'f 
A  kick  that  scarce  would  move  a  horse 
May  kill  a  sound  divine."      *     * 

-  I.e.  "to  the  commons'"  (evidently  here  meaning  tenants  and  small  farmers) 
"  annoyance  or  injury." 

3  The  importance  of  this  will  be  better  understood  if  we  bear  in  mind  that  the 
guardian  was  not  accountable  for  the  profits  made  of  the  infant's  lands  during  wardship, 
hut  received  them  for  his  own  private  emolument,  subject  only  to  the  bare  maintenance 
of  the  infant.  And  this  guardianship,  being  deemed  more  an  interest  for  the  profit 
of  the  guardian  than  a  trust  for  the  benefit  of  the  ward,  was  saleable  and  transferable, 
like  the  ordinary  subjects  of  property,  to  the  best  bidder;  and  if  not  disposed  of,  was 


same  chyld  it'  ho  lyve  to  his  full  ago  shall  be  at  his  ownc  chosyn 
concernyng  his  marriage  the  Kyngs  wards  only  except.1 

"  We  pray  that  no  manner  of  person  havyng  a  manner  of  his 
o\vne  shall  be  no  other  lords  balyf  but  only  his  o\vne.2 

"  We  pray  that  no  lord  knyght  nor  gentleman  shall  have  or  take 
in  ferme  any  spirituall  promocion.11 

"  We  prav  vour  grace  to  gyve  lycens  and  aucthoritc  bv  vour 

A*t  Ot/t/  *         i 

gracious  comyssion  under  your  grctt  seall  to  suche  comyssioners  as 
your  pore  comons  hath  chosyn,  or  to  as  many  of  them  as  your  majestie 
and  your  counsell  shall  apoynt  and  thynke  mete,  for  to  rcdresse  and 
reforme  all  suche  good  lawes,  statutes,  proclamations,  and  all  other 
your  procedyngs,  whiche  hath  byn  hydden  by  your  Justices  of  your 
peace,  Shreves,  Eseheatores,  and  other  your  officers,  from  your  pore 

transmissible  to  the  lord's  personal  representatives.  Thus  the  custody  of  the  infant's 
person,  as  well  as  the  care  of  his  estate,  might  devolve  upon  the  most  perfect  sti-anger 
to  the  infant ;  one  prompted  by  every  pecuniary  motive  to  abuse  the  delicate  and 
important  trust  of  education,  without  any  ties  of  blood,  or  regard,  to  counteract  the 
temptations  of  interest,  or  any  sufficient  authority  to  restrain  him  from  yielding 
to  their  influence. 

1  Allusion  is  here  made  to  another  piece  of  authority  exercised  by  the  guardian  over 
his   ward— the   right   of  marriage,   or   maritagium.     "While  the  infant  was   in  ward,  the 
guardian  had  the  power  of  tendering  him  or  her  a  suitable  match,  without  disparagement 
or  inequality.     If  the  infants  rejected  this,  they  forfeited  to   the   guardian   the  value 
of  the  marriage,  i.  e.,  so  much  as  a  jury  would  assess,  or  any  one  would  bond  Jlde  give  to 
the  guardian  for  such  an  alliance  ;  while,  if  the  male  ward   (for  females  were  not  liable 
to  this)  married  without  the  guardian's  consent,  and  after  he   had  proposed   to  them 
a  suitable  match,    they   forfeited    double   the   value,    "duplicem   valorem    maritagii. — 
Ulackstone's  Commentaries,  bk.  II.  c.  5. 

2  The   intention  was  to  limit  the   power   of    the  lord   of  a  manor,  and    prevent 
him   from  adding  to. his  influence  as  lord  the  authority  resulting  from,  and  attendant 
on,  being  the  bailiff"  of  some  greater  lord. 

3  The  following  extract  from  "  William  Wightman's  letter  to  '  Gentle  Mr.  Cecill '  ' 
(State  Paper  Office,  Domestic,  Edw.  VI.,  May  10, 1349),  in  which  he  is  stating  what 
Lord  Sudely  had  said  to  him,  illustrates  this  grievance  : — 

"  "Well,  well,  said  he,  they  are  at  this  point  now,  that  there  can  neither  Bishoprick, 
Deanery,  nor  Prebend  fall  void,  but  one  or  other  of  them  will  have  a  fleece  of  it. 
Indeed  I  did,  on  this  point,  both  grant  his  saying  to  be  true,  and  aggravate  the  matter, 
to  confirm  his  opinion,  with  naming  the  Deanery  of  Wells,  the  Bislioprick  of  Lincoln,  and 
others,  which  I  told  him  had  been  sore  plucked  at  *  *  *  For  mine  own  part  [said 


comons,  synes  the  first  yere  of  the  reigne  of  your  noble  grandfather 
King  henry  the  seventh.1 

"  We  pray  that  those  your  officers  y'  hath  offended  your  grace  and 
your  comons  and  so  provid  by  the  compleynt  of  your  pore  comons 
do  gyve  onto  those  pore  men  so  assembled  iiijd  every  day  so  long  as 
they  have  remayned  ther.3 

"  We   pray  that  no   lorde   knyght  esquyer   nor  gentleman   do 
g[raze]  nor  fede  eny  bullocks  or  Shepe  if  he  may  spende  forty  pounds 
a  yere  by  his  lands  but  only  for  the  provicion  of  his  howse. 
*  «  By  me  ROBT.  KETT 

Before  giving  the  King's  answer,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  state  the 
view  of  this  commotion  held  by  Godwin,  Ileylin,  and  Lingard,  none  of 
whom  seem  to  have  been  aware  of  the  existence  of  the  above  document, 
from  which  alone  the  true  character  of  this  rising  could  be  learned. 
Godwin  states  the  insurgents  complained  that 

"  The  free-borne  Commonalty  was  oppressed  by  a  small  number 

Lord  Sudely]  I  will  not  have  a  penny  after  that  rate,  nor  they  shall  not  be  able  to  charge 
me  with  the  value  of  a  farthing." — Ti/tler's  Edward  VI.  and  Mary,  vol.  i.  p.  168. 

It  was  this  that  caused  Kiiox  so  much  pain :  he  was  sore  grieved  when  he  saw 
greedy,  worldly  barous  clutch  hold  of  the  Church's  property :  when  he  expostulated, 
that  it  was  not  secular,  that  it  was  spiritual  property,  and  should  be  turned  to  true 
churchly  uses, — education,  schools,  worship,  the  Eegent  Murray  had  to  answer,  with  a 
shrug  of  the  shoulders,  "  It  is  a  devout  imagination  !  " — Carlyle,  The  Hero  as  Priest. 

But  what  Knox  in  Scotland  and  Kett  in  Norfolk  advocated,  viz.  the  application 
of  Church  property  to  spiritual  purposes,  is  not  even  yet  realized :  it  is,  unhappily,  only 
"  a  devout  imagination  "  still ;  since,  from  a  Return,  ordered  by  the  House  of  Commons 
to  be  printed,  18th  June,  1856,  it  appears  that  the  total  rent-charges  commuted, 
payable  to  lay  impropriators,  is  £765,427.  5s.  4fd. ;  being  nearly  one-fifth  of  the  whole, 
and  about  one-third  of  the  amount  received  by  parochial  incumbents. 

1  Their  intention  seems  to  have  been,  on  the  one  hand,  to  bring  about  a  general 
reform  of  the  laws  of  the  land,  through  the  agency  of  those  who  especially  felt  themselves 
aggrieved, — the  representatives  of  the  "  pore  comons  ;"  and  to  secure  such  an  acquaintance 
with  these  laws,  so  reformed,  as  might  be  beneficial  to  the  public. 

2  From   the   preceding   article   it   appears   that   they  wished   to   have   a   people's 
parliament ;   while  the  above  provides  not  only  for  the  remuneration  of  the  members, 
but  also  the  source  from  whence  the  necessary  funds  might  be  derived. 

3  Endorsed,  "  Articles  of  the  requests  aud  Demaundes  :  "  also,  "  Keates  Demaundes 
beinge  in  Rebellyon." 

a/-          Two    "leds    pyilets"  m  tke   Norwicli  Ituseiun.  aa,  P  32 

6.          Tke    Sh.effl.eia.  Stone    on   S1   Ifartins    PaOace  Ham.  see-  P.  97. 
o.          Signatures    of    KetL.    Aldricli,    and    CodA,    appended 

to    the    List     of    Grievances.  see,  P.  5ff. 


of  Gentry,  Avho  glut  themselves  with  pleasure,  whiles  the  poore  Com- 
mons, wasted  with  daily  labour,  do,  like  packhorses,  live  in  extreme 
slavery.  But  howsoever  the  calamities  incident  to  this  present  life 
may  with  a  constant  patience  be  endured,  the  Soule  is  to  be  redeemed 
even  with  a  thousand  deaths.  Holy  rites  established  by  antiquity  are 
abolished,  new  ones  are  autorized,  and  a  new  forme  of  Religion 
obtruded.  To  other  evills  death  gives  an  end  :  but  if  they  suffer  their 
souls  to  be  contaminated  and  polluted  by  this  kind  of  impiety,  what 
thing  is  there  that  can  equall  them  in  miseries,  to  whom  the  end  of 
these  present  ones  is  but  the  beginning  of  some  more  horrid,  namely 
of  the  pains,  which  no  death  can  ever  terminate  ?  Why  then  should 
they  not  go  to  the  Court,  and  appoint  the  King,  yet  in  his  minority, 
new  Counsailours,  removing  those  who  now  ruling  as  they  list,  con- 
found things  sacred  and  profane,  regarding  nothing  else  but  the 
enriching  of  themselves  with  the  publique  treasure,  that  they  may  riot 
it  amid  the  publique  calamities."  ] 

Heylin  gives  a  similar  account,  and  says : 

"  If  religion  was  at  all  regarded  by  them,  it  was  rather  kept  for 
a  reserve  than  suffered  to  appear  in  the  front  of  the  battle.  But  when 
their  numbers  were  so  vastly  multiplied  as  to  amount  to  twenty 
thousand,  nothing  would  serve  them  but  the  suppression  of  the  gentry, 
the  placing  of  new  counsellors  about  the  king,  and  somewhat  also  to 
be  done  in  favour  of  the  old  religion  :  "  whilst  their  second  grievance 
is  alleged  to  have  been,  "  That  holy  rites,  established  by  antiquity, 
were  abolished,  new  ones  authorized,  and  a  new  form  of  religion 
obtruded,  to  the  subjecting  of  their  souls  to  those  horrid  pains  which 
no  death  could  terminate." 

While  Lingard,8  who  would  naturally  be  desirous  of  representing 
the  people  of  Norfolk  as  being  equally  anxious  for  "  the  old  religion" 
with  insurgents  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  combines  the  above 
accounts :  but  the  grievances  just  given  show  plainly  that  what  the 
Lady  Mary  said  was  perfectly  true,  "  all  the  rising  about  the  parts 
where  she  was,  was  touching  no  part  of  religion." 

1  Godwin's  Annals.         2  Heylin's  Hist,  of  Beformation.         3  Lingard's  Hist,  of  Eng. 
4  Strype's  Mem.  Eccles.  vol.  ii.  pt.  I.  c.  xxi.      See  also  p.  8. 



The  King1  took  it  for  a  great  indignity  that  these  men  should 
offer  to  treat  with  him  as  enemies  lawfully  holding  the  field ;  yet 
knowing  right  well  that  as  good  counsels  gather  strength  by  time,  so 
upon  a  little  respite,  evil  advices  either  vanish  or  grow  weak,  to  win 
some  advantage  of  time,  returned  answer : — 

"  That  seeing  he  was  always  ready  to  receive  and  relieve  the  quiet 
complaints  of  any  of  his  subjects,  he  marvelled  much  that  upon 
opinion  either  of  necessity  in  themselves,  or  of  injustice  in  him,  they 
should  first  put  themselves  into  arms  as  a  party  against  him,  and  then 
present  him  with  their  bold  petitions ;  especially  at  such  a  time  when, 
having  fully  reformed  many  other  matters,  he  had  lately  set  forth 
a  proclamation  against  excessive  prices  of  victuals,2  and  had  also 
appointed  commissioners,  with  ample  authority  for  reformation  of 
enclosures,3  of  depopulations,  of  taking  away  commons,  and  of  divers 
other  things,  whereof,  doubtless,  some  had  by  this  time  been  redressed, 
had  not  these  disorders  given  impediment  to  these  designs  generally ; 
when  they  might  well  discern  both  his  care  and  endeavour  to  set  all 
matters  in  a  right  frame  of  reformation,  as  might  best  stand  both  with 
his  honour  and  their  sureties.  Notwithstanding  this,  however,  they 
were  eager  violently  to  take  his  authority  into  their  own  hands." 

"  Touching  their  particular  complaint  for  reducing  farms  and  lands 
to  their  ancient  rents,  although  it  could  not  be  done  by  his  ordinary 
power  without  a  parliament,  yet  he  would  so  far  extend  his  authority, 
royal  and  absolute,  as  to  give  charge  to  his  commissioners  to  travail 

1  Sir  John  Hayward's  Life  of  Edward  VI. 

2  "  Ite  pa  the  same  daye  (July  8th)  for  the  p'oclamation  for  vyttalles,  ijd." 

Household,  fyc.  Accts.  of  Lestrange  of  Hunstanton. 

Archteol.  xxv.  p.  556. 
"  Item    to  a   pursevaunt  that   brought  a  proclamacion   for  the  pryce  of 

Vyttell  at  Mr.  Mayers  comaundement,  ij8. 
"  Item  for  Nayells  to  nayle  up  the  same  proclamacion,  jd." 

0.  If.  Cooper's  Annals  of  Cambridge,  vol.  ii.  p.  45. 

3  In  the  Appendix  (B)  will  be  found  a  list  of  "  Complaynts  at  the  Insurrection," 
being  most  probably  that  which,  at  Cambridge,  was  submitted  to  these  commissioners,  &c. 

4  For  a  very  interesting  Article  on  the  condition  of  the  Peasantry,  see  Archceol. 
vol.  xxx.  pp.  205—244. 


with  all  persons  within  their  counties  to  reduce  lands  to  the  same 
rents  whereat  they  were  farmed  forty  years  before,  and  that  rents 
should  he  paid  at  Michaelmas  then  next  ensuing,  according  to  that 
rate  ;  and  that  such  as  would  not  presently  yield  to  his  commissioners 
for  that  redress  should,  at  the  parliament  which  he  would  forthwith 
summon,  be  overruled. 

"  Concerning  their  complaint  for  prices  of  wools,1  he  would  forth- 
with give  order  that  his  commissioners  should  cause  clothiers  to  take 
wools,  paying  only  two  parts  of  the  price  whereat  commonly  they  were 
sold  the  year  next  before ;  and  for  the  other  third  part,  the  owner  and 
the  buyer  should  stand  to  such  order  as  the  Parliament  should  appoint. 
At  which  also  he  would  give  order  that  landed  men,  to  a  certain 
proportion,  should  be  neither  clothiers  nor  farmers.  And  further, 
that  one  man  should  not  use  divers  occupations,  nor  have  plurality 
of  benefices  nor  of  farms ;  and  generally,  that  then  he  would  give 
order  for  all  the  residue  of  their  requests,  in  such  sort  as  they  should 
have  good  cause  not  only  to  remain  quiet,  but  to  pray  for  him, 
and  to  adventure  their  lives  in  his  service. 

"  This  Parliament  he  promised  should  begin  in  the  beginning 
of  October  then  next  ensuing  ;  against  which  time  they  should  appoint 
four  or  six  of  their  county  to  present  bills  of  their  desires,  and  in  the 
mean  season  apply  themselves  to  their  harvest  and  other  peaceable 
business  at  home,  and  not  to  drive  him  to  necessity  (whereof  he 
would  be  sorry),  by  sharper  means,  to  maintain  both  his  own  dignity 
and  the  common  quiet." 

These  letters,  carrying  the  King's  name  in  the  front  and  the 
Protector's  with  the  King's  signet  at  the  foot,  were  sent  by  a  herald 
to  Household,  a  place  guarded  with  great  but  disordered  and  confused 
strength  of  the  seditious  :  herewith  also  the  King  sent  his  general 
pardon,  in  case  they  would  quietly  desist  and  dissolve ;  but  it  was 
all,  unhappilly,  of  no  avail.2 

1  There   is   not,   however,   any  mention   of  the   price   of  wool  in  Kett's  List  of 

2  The  above  is  taken  from  Sir  John  Hayward's  Life  of  Edward  VI. 

E.  B[urton,]  in  his  Admirable  Curiosities,  Earities,  and  Wonders,  says,  "  The  King 

I  2 


In  the  mean  time  the  city  of  Norwich,  filled  with  anxiety  at 
its  present  condition,  and  at  the  grievous  character  the  disturbances 
had  assumed,  was  very  uncertain  how  to  act,  especially  as,  from  the 
risings  that  were  taking  place  at  this  time  in  Buckinghamshire, 
Oxfordshire,  Surrey,  Essex,  Kent,  Cambridgeshire,1  and  elsewhere, 
the  King's  Council  was  unable  to  render  any  assistance  towards 
putting  down  the  Norfolk  insurgents.  The  consequence  was,  that 
the  insurrection  continued  to  spread,  and  the  camp  on  Household 
soon  contained  no  less  than  16,000  men.2  At  Kett's  suggestion  they 
began  to  intrench  themselves,  and  to  bring  to  the  camp  weapons 
of  every  kind,  balls,  or  "  pyllets3  of  gonshotte,"  as  they  are  called  in 
the  City  Chamberlain's  Accounts,  and  great  quantities  of  gunpowder. 
To  obtain  these,  bands  of  them  wandered  about  the  county,  ransacked 
the  houses  of  the  gentry ;  and  whatever  cattle  they  met  with  in 
the  fields,  or  money  in  the  house,  or  corn  in  the  barn,  they  carried 
to  the  Camp,  and  that,  too,  though  the  owners  stood  by  looking  on. 
"And  first  they  went  to  old  Past  on  Hall  and  gett  ordinance  from 
thence,  and  soe  to  Yarmouth  and  other  placis,  and  brought  in  forsan 
severall  peeces  one  and  other,  and  came  into  Norwich  for  powder, 
and  sent  to  Lynn  and  other  placis,  and  what  theye  could  gett  that 
were  sent,  they  browt  with  them,  both  shott,  powder,  Armurie,  corne, 
cattell,  mony,  and  every  thing  ells,  and  browt  the  gretest  parte  to 
the  Rebellis  Campe,  and  some  they  convertid  to  their  private  use."  4 
To  remedy  this  misappropriation  of  the  booty,  it  was  determined  that 
some  place  should  be  selected  where  justice  might  be  administered 
and  "  the  people  be  admonished  to  beware  of  their  robbinge,  spoy- 
linge,  and  other  theyr  evil  demeanors,  and  what  accompt  they  had  to 

returned  this  answer :  That  in  October  following  he  would  call  a  Parliament,  wherein 
their  complaints  should  be  heard,  and  all  their  grievances  redressed,  requiring  them  in 
the  meantime  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  return  to  their  houses,  and  thereupon  granting 
them  a  general  pardon." 

1  See  page  41.  2  Nevylle. 

3  Two  "  pyllets  of  gonahotte  "  are  in  the  Museum  at  Norwich,  having  been  fouud 
while  digging  a  well  on  Household,  near  Kett's  Castle.     They  were  presented  to  the 
Museum  by  the  Rev.  C.  Morse. 

4  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


make." l  There  was  an  aged  oak,  with  wide-spreading  branches, 
which  was  chosen  as  the  place  best  adapted  for  this  purpose  :  this 
they  roofed  in  with  beams  and  boards,  and  here,  with  the  people 
standing  about  them,  they  determined  all  such  matters  as  were 
brought  before  them ;  and  here,  assisted  by  the  Governours  or  De- 
legates, Kett  held  his  King's  Bench,  Chancery,  and  all  other  courts.2 
If  those  who  had  concealed  any  goods  obtained  by  Kett's  warrants 
were  discovered,  and  the  crime  of  so  doing  proved,  they  were 
committed  to  prison.  This  tree  was  called  the  Oak  of  Reformation, 
under  which,  at  first,  no  one  was  allowed  to  go  except  Kett  and  the 
Governours,  some  of  whom,  and  especially  the  Mayor,  Thomas  Codd, 
Mr.  Aldrich,  and  others,  who,  to  save  themselves  and  their  country, 
allowed  themselves  to  be  so  called,  strove  incessantly  to  restrain  the 
people  from  robbing  and  plundering.  Their  admonitions,  however, 
"but  lyttil  prevailid,  for  they  cryed  out  of  the  Gentlemen,  as  well 
for  that  they  would  not  pull  downe  theyr  enclosid  groundis,  as  allsoe 
understood  they  by  letters  fownd  emong  theyr  sarvants  how  they 
sowt  by  all  weyes  to  suppres  them,  and  whatsoever  was  sayde  they 
would  downe  with  them,  so  that  within  a  ij  or  iij  wekes  they  had  so 
pursuyd  the  Gentlemen  from  all  parts  that  in  noe  place  durst  one 
Gentleman  keepe  his  house,  but  were  faine  to  spoile  themselves  of 
theyr  apparell,  and  lye  and  keepe  in  woods  and  lownde 3  places,  where 
noe  resort  was :  and  some  fledd  owte  of  the  contrye ;  and  glad  they 
were  in  theyr  bowses,  for  saving  of  the  rest  of  theyr  goods  and  cattell, 
to  provide  for  them  daiely  bred,  mete,  drinke,  and  all  other  viands, 
and  to  carry  the  same  at  their  "  own  "  charge4  home  to  the  Rebellis 
Campe,  and  that  for  the  savinge  theyr  wyves,  and  chydren,  and 
sarvants.  Notwithstanding  were  dyvers  gentlemen  taken,  and  browt 
to  prison,  some  in  Norwich  prison,  and  some  in  Norwich  Castle, 
and  some  in  Surrey  place."  * 

There  was  one  circumstance  attending  these  tumults  that  shows 
the  forbearance  of  Kett  and  his  associates,  and  their  assured  conviction 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  Blomefield. 

3  I.  e.  "  under  cover,  or  shelter." — Dr.  Johnson. 

4  See  Town  Accounts  of  North  Elmham,  Appendix  (H). 


of  the  goodness  of  their  cause,  viz.,  that  they  allowed  any,  who  were 
willing  to  do  so,  to  go  up  into  the  Oak  of  Reformation  and  endeavour 
to  dissuade  the  multitude  from  persisting  in  their  rebellion.1  Some  of 
the  principal  citizens,  and  the  city  clergy,  laboured  heartily  in  this  way 
to  put  an  end  to  the  robberies  and  firings  of  which  the  insurgents  were 
guilty,  and  to  lead  them  to  think  of  and  desire  peace.  Not  content 
with  addressing  the  people  in  the  daytime,  they  spent  the  night  in 
keeping  watch  and  ward ;  thus  discharging  their  duty  as  faithful 
ministers  and  good  subjects.  Amongst  others  who  distinguished 
themselves  on  this  occasion,  was  Dr.  Matthew  Parker,  afterwards 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a  man  of  great  prudence,  faithfulness  and 
integrity,  and  who  was  highly  esteemed  by  his  townsmen.2  The  great 
service  he  did  at  this  time  deserves  to  be  mentioned ;  for  he  was  one 
of  those  divines  that  used  now  to  go  up  into  the  pulpits  of  the  City 
churches,  exhorting  the  citizens  (many  of  whom  were  actually  in  the 
insurrection,  and  many  more  too  much  disposed  thereunto)  to  leave 
off  their  wicked  attempts,  and  to  return  to  peace  and  quietness,  and 
their  obedience  to  their  sovereign.  One  day,  with  his  brother  Thomas 
Parker,3  and  some  friends,  he  had  the  courage  to  go  into  Kett's  camp, 
resolving  to  bestow  his  good  counsel  upon  them,  and  to  try  to  reclaim 
them  from  their  evil  course : — when  he  arrived,  he  found  Kett  and  his 
companions  standing  under  the  Oak,  communing  of  matters  one  with 
another  ;  at  which  time  the  Mayor,  Thomas  Codd,  displayed  no  little 
courage,  and  spake  out  in  a  manner  well  worthy  of  a  brave  man.  For 

1  "  The  Mayor,  Mastr  Aldrich,  and  others  would  often  go  up  into  this  Tree  and 
endeavoured  by  all  the  persuasion  and  mild  arguments  they  could  think  of,  to  make  them 
desist  from  this  course,  and  leave  off  committing  such  outrages.      There  were  also  grave 
and  learned  Divines,  that  tried  all  ways  possible  to  withdraw  them  from  these  wicked 
attempts,  and  to  reduce  them  to  peace  and  quietness,  though  at  the  same  time  they 
hazarded  their  lives  by  so  doing.      Tor  the  Mayor  and  other  of  the  Gentry,  though  they 
were  admitted  to  the  counsels  of  the  rebels,  for  the  better  credit  thereof,  yet,  if  Kett  was 
present,  they  were  no  better  than  Herb  John  in  the  pottage,  having  no  influence  on  the 
consultations :    but  if  he  happily  chanced  to  be  absent,  then  they  were  like  St.  John's 
Wort,  (so  sovereign  for  sores  and  against  the  Plague  itself)  that  they  much  mitigated 
the  fury  of  their  mischievous  decrees." — Blomefield. 

2  Strype's  Life  of  Archbishop  Parker.  3  He  became  mayor  in  1568. 


when  Kelt  pressed  him  to  give  up  the  keys  of  the  City  and  all  his 
authority,  and  to  resign  his  office  as  Mayor,  Codd  answered  boldly, 
"  I  would  sooner  lay  down  my  life  than  either,  by  villany,  treacherously 
desert  Iny  City,  or  through  fear  and  cowardice,  most  shamefully  fail 
in  the  duty  I  owe  my  King." 

Parker,  seeing  them  much  interested  in  the  question  of  the 
Mayor's  resignation,  and  observing  the  great  mass  of  the  people  over- 
come by  their  excesses  and  by  the  heat  of  the  weather,  thought  it  would 
be  of  no  use  addressing  them  then,  and  so  went  back  into  the  City. 
The  next  day,  in  the  morning,  not  having  any  rest  in  his  own  mind 
till  he  had  discharged  his  conscience,  he  went  again  to  the  Camp  with 
his  brother,  when  he  found  them  very  differently  occupied ;  for  they 
were  now  all  at  their  prayers  under  the  Oak,  and  Thomas  Conyers, 
their  chaplain,  was  saying  the  Litany  among  them.  The  Doctor,  glad 
to  have  met  with  so  favourable  an  opportunity,  went  up  into  the  Oak, 
and  preached  to  them. 

He  divided  his  sermon  into  three  parts. 

1.  He  admonished  them  to  be  temperate  and  sober,  and  not  to 
consume  in  luxury  and  ungodliness  the  provisions  they  had 
brought  into  their  camp,  since  these  were  God's  gifts  :  by 
this  he  was  indirectly  reproving  them  for  the  excesses  of  the 
previous  day. 

2.  He  urged  them  not  to  pursue  private  enmities,  nor  under 
the  influence  of  angry  and  revengeful  feelings,  to  defile  their 
hands  with  blood;  nor  to  imprison  and  load  with  chains 
those  whom  they  regarded  as  enemies;   nor   cruelly  and 
wickedly  to  take  away  any  man's  life.1     And 

3.  He  pressed  them  that  they,  having  regard  to  the  common 
good,  would  desist  from  their  purpose ;   would  place  con- 
fidence in  the  heralds  or  messengers    who  might  come  to 
them    from  the  King;    and   give  his  Majesty,    young  as 
he  was,  the  honour  due  unto  him:    by  doing  which  they 
might  use  him   hereafter,    when   he   came  to   more  ripe 

"  Which  thing  they  were  notoriously  guilty  uf."—Strype's  Archbishop  Parker. 


and  flourishing  estate  (the  valour  and  prowess  of  his  ances- 
tors being  confirmed  in  him,  and  as  it  were,  deep-rooted) 
with  incredible  delight  and  pleasure.1 

While  he  was  preaching  thus  unto  them  he  was  very  earnest, 
and  all  heard  him  with  mucli  attention  and  good-will,  the  Doctor 
being  "  a  most  charming  preacher,"  !  till  one  of  them  said,  "  How 
long  shall  we  bear  with  this  hireling  Doctor  ?  He's  hired  by  the 
gentry,  and  so  he  comes  with  words  for  which  they  have  paid 
him,  and  with  his  tongue  bribed  by  them.  But  for  all  his  prating 
we  will  bridle  their  intolerable  power,  and  will  hold  them  bound 
with  the  cords  of  our  laws,  spite  of  their  hearts."5  Upon  this 
a  tumult  was  made ;  and  many,  stirred  up  by  this  speech,  inveighed 
against  him  with  bitter  and  threatening  words,  yea,  and  fearful 
speeches  of  some  were  heard,  and  dangerous,  which  came  also 
to  his  own  ears.  And  some  of  them  cried  out  fiercely,  "  Since 
he  had  spoken  so  finely,  and  sprinkled  his  speech  with  such  witty 
words  and  sentences,  the  best  thing  to  do  would  be  to  pierce  him 
with  their  pikes  and  arrows,  and  so  make  him  come  down." 
Whereupon  no  little  fear  came  upon  him  at  that  time,  which 
was  increased  by  feeling  under  his  feet  the  points  of  their  spears,4 
and  greatly  was  he  afraid  that  the  angry  multitude  intended  to 
kill  him  on  the  spot.  Afterwards,  however,  it  was  discovered  that 
his  alarm  was  groundless,  since  nearly  all  under  the  Oak  highly 
honoured  the  Doctor,  loved  and  respected  him  exceedingly,  and 
were  very  glad  he  had  ventured  into  the  Camp.  They  hoped 
that  the  people  might  be  so  influenced  and  softened  by  his  words 
as  either  to  repent  of  what  they  had  done,  or  at  least  to  be 
more  gentle  for  the  future,  and  allow  more  liberty  to  those  who, 

1  Wood's  Translation.  2  Strype's  Life  of  Parker. 

3  "Wood's  Translation  of  Nevylle. 

4  Two   plates   have  been  published  of  Kett  at  the  Oak  of  Eeformation ;  one  in 
Bussel's  History  of  England,  and  the  other  in  E.  B[urton's]  Admirable  Curiosities ;  but 
both  are  incorrect.     In  the  former,  the  platform  is  only  about  eighteen  inches  high, 
evidently  a  great  deal  too  low  ;  while  in  the  latter  there  is  no  platform  at  all,  but  Kett 
and  three  others  are  sitting  among  the  branches  of  the  tree. 


against  their  own  wills,  were  detained  amongst  them.  Just  at 
this  time,  when  Parker  seemed  in  very  great  danger,  Thomas 
Corners,  Vicar  of  St.  Martin's  at  the  Palace,  with  three  or  four 
choristers,  began  to  sing  the  Te  Deum,  in  English,  to  solemn 
music;  by  the  sweetness  of  which  song  they  being  ravished,  for 
they  were  unwonted  to  music,  and  being  bewitched  with  these 
unaccustomed  delights,  by  little  and  little  were  appeased.1 

Parker,  having  got  this  opportunity,  thought  it  better  not  to 
wait  until  these  had  made  an  end  of  their  singing,  or  until  the 
others  should  begin  to  rage  anew,  and  accordingly  descended  from 
the  Oak  with  his  brother,  and  departed  from  the  Camp.  As  they 
were  passing  down  the  hill,  towards  Pockthorpe  Gates,  some  of 
the  insurgents  overtook  him,  and  began  to  question  with  him  about 
his  license  to  preach.2  He  might  have  told  them  he  was  sufficiently 
licensed,  both  by  King  Henry  VIII.  and  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury; but  he,  knowing  how  vain  and  dangerous  it  was  to  talk 
to  them,  hastened  away  slightly  (i.  e.  privily),  and  left  his  brother, 
who  was  then  in  his  company,  to  hold  them  in  discourse.3 

The  next  day  he  went  to  St.  Clement's  Church,  where  many 
of  the  rebels  were  present,  and  from  one  of  the  lessons  (which  were 
then  read  publicly  in  the  church)  took  occasion  to  say  something 
concerning  these  tumults.  The  insurgents  said  nothing,  but  waited 
until  he  came  out,  and  then,  following  him,  angrily  told  him,  "  They 
knew  he  had  three  or  four  good  and  able  horses,  which  might 
be  of  service  to  the  King ;  therefore  they  bade  him  have  them  ready 
immediately  after  dinner,  for  they  were  about  to  use  them  presently." 
To  this  Parker  gave  no  answer,  but  straightway  sent  for  a  farrier, 
and  directed  him  to  take  off  the  shoes  of  some,  and  to  pare  their 
hoofs  to  the  quick,  and  to  rub  others  of  them  with  nerve  oil, 
as  though  they  had  been  lamed  with  too  much  work  and  travel. 
The  insurgents  thought  that  such  was  really  the  case,  and  accordingly, 

1  Wood's  Translation. 

"  More  especially  about  the  great  seal,  by  which  license  to  preach  was  given  to 
him ." — Nevylle. 

8  Strype's  Life  of  Parker. 



seeing  them  afterwards  led  away  as  though  to  pasture,  desisted  from 
their  purpose.  Shortly  after,  Parker,  apparently  for  the  purpose 
of  taking  a  walk,  went  out  of  the  gates,  and  met  with  his 
horses  two  miles  from  the  City,  at  Cringleford  Bridge  :  he  mounted, 
and  set  off  for  Cambridge.  "  But  in  the  way  what  he  saw,  what 
he  heard,  what  violence  and  crimes  he  witnessed  on  the  part  of 
the  seditious,  whom  he  met  with  on  his  journey,  to  treat  of  all 
these  severally  would  be  a  work  of  infinite  labour.  Nevertheless, 
by  the  goodness  of  God  (when  he  had  escaped  all  these  garboyles  and 
popular  hurliburlies),  at  the  length,  being  free  from  so  great  dangers, 
he  came  safe  to  Cambridge."  l 

The  rebels,  being  now  in  some  measure  satiated  with  the 
booty  they  had  obtained,  betook  themselves  to  acts  of  violence 
towards  the  gentry,  many  of  whom,  from  every  part  of  Norfolk, 
were  arrested  and  brought  as  prisoners  to  the  Camp,  which  produced 
a  general  panic,  and  all  that  had  the  opportunity  of  so  doing, 
sought  to  escape  by  abandoning  their  homes,  changing  their  apparel, 
disguising  themselves  as  well  as  they  could,  and  hiding  in  caves  and 
thick  woods.  Those  who  had  horses  and  carts  were  constrained 
to  serve  the  insurgents  with  them ;  while  others,  who  had  not, 
were  compelled  to  get  them  elsewhere  for  this  purpose ;  and  both 
were  commanded,  at  their  own  expense,  to  convey  corn  and  victuals 
to  the  Camp  on  Household,2  while,  if  they  refused  to  obey,  they 
were  threatened  with  the  destruction  of  their  houses,  the  laying 
waste  of  their  lands,  and  with  violence  to  their  wives  and  children. 
Whatever  gentlemen  they  apprehended  (and  they  took  many)  they 
bound,  as  if  these  had  exceeded  the  rebels  themselves  in  wickedness. 
Many  were  delivered  to  be  kept  in  Norwich,  and  some  committed 
to  the  prison,  commonly  called  the  Guildhall,  others  to  the  Castle. 
Some  were  shut  up  in  the  Earl  of  Surrey's  house,  while  if  at  any  time 
they  wanted  money  (which  they  wanted  often),  they  compelled  the 
Mayor  of  the  City,  out  of  the  public  Treasury,  always  to  supply 
them ;  whose  demands  if  the  Mayor  had  rejected,  without  doubt  they 

1  Wood's  Translation.  2  See  Appendix  (H). 



would  have  emptied  the  Treasury,  set  it  on  fire,  "  hewyn  and 
mankyld  "  it  worse  than  they  did,  and  brought  destruction  upon 
all.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  following  extracts  from  the  City  Chamber- 
lain's Accompts  how  roughly  the  Treasury  was  used  : — 

"  Guyldhall.      Itm  pd  to  John  Byrche  the  yongr  for-\ 

p.  310J.         workmanshyppe  and  tymbyr  in  pecyng  | 

of  ye  dore  stalle  and  dore  loop  of  the  tresyr  howse  j- 

which  was  sore  hewyn  and  mankyld  by  traitor  Ket  I 

and  hys  Kytlyngs ' 

p.  311.     "Itm  to  Wyllm  Pede  for  dyce   hede   nayles  ~] 
Byvetts  stapylls  plats  brads  nayles  made  of  dyvse  I 
lenghis  '  w*  square  hedes  spekyngs  2  and  sondry  oyr  | 
yron  worke  made  for  the  sayd  dore  and  dore  stall 
w'  ij  days  worke  of  hym  takyng  of  ye  old  nayles  and 
Bivetts  brekyng  certen  tooles  w'  settyng  on  and 
clynkyng  all  the  forsayd  yron  worke  

"  Itm  to  "Wyllm  Pede  and  Edmond  Bower  for  new  mend- 
yng  and  makyng  of  ij  lockes  of  the  said  tresur 
howse  dore ;  iiij  lockes  and  hespys  on  the  yron 
chest  within  the  said  howse,  iij  other  lockes  in  the 
same  howse,  ij  lockes  on  the  chekyr  in  the  sembly 
chambyr,  and  iij  gret  lockes  and  keys  on  the  dore 
to  the  tower  over  the  tresyr  howse  all  which  lockes 
keyes  and  hespys  war  brokyn  by  the  forsayd  traytor 
Kette  and  hys  rebells  

"  Itm  pd  to  a  mason  and  his  man  for  pynnyng  in  the  dore 
stalle  and  wyndowe  in  ye  sayd  treasur  howse  and 
all  the  tower  ovrthe  said  howse  and  archyng  within 
the  same  all  which  wallys  were  shaken  and  sore 
brosyd  with  rappyng  and  brekyng  up  the  dores 
there  one  days  worke 

"  Itm  to  hym  [for]  a  newe  handyll  and  ij  plats  for  the ") 
same  dore  and  settyng  on    ) 

—  „   VJ 



—  „  —  »  XVJ 

They  often,  if  report  may  be  believed,  intended  to  pillage  the 
City,  and  their  intention  would  have  been  carried  out,  had  they  not, 

1  /.  e.  "  lengths." 

2  I.  e.  "  spikings" — long  nails  with  tee  heads. 
K    2 


by  the  industry  and  diligence  of  the  Mayor,  been  always  hindered. 
They  carried  off  to  their  Camp  whatever  implements  of  war  could 
be  found  in  the  City,  fearing  lest  matters  might  afterwards  turn  out 
unfavourably.  Moreover,  they  charged  the  citizens  to  be  ready, 
at  the  first  call,  to  defend  and  help  them,  if  need  required,  crying 
out  "  that  they  were  the  King's  friends,  and,  being  unjustly  oppressed, 
had  taken  upon  them  the  defence  of  the  laws,  and  of  the  King's 
Majesty."  Not  content  with  this,  they  used  the  King's  name  to 
serve  their  own  purposes ;  for  certain  commissions  being  sent  from 
the  King  to  divers  gentlemen,  whose  names  were  therein  inserted, 
commanding  them  carefully  to  prevent  the  dangers  that  might  ensue 
to  the  Commonwealth,  and  to  provide  that  these  stirs  and  commotions 
might  be  repressed  as  soon  as  possible ;  the  rebels  getting  possession 
of  these,  erased  the  names  of  the  gentry,  and  caused  their  own  to 
be  inserted  ;  then  they  tore  off  the  King's  seals,  which  they  attached 
to  forged  commissions  of  their  own,  and,  setting  these  up  in  public 
places,  misled  the  ignorant  and  those  unconscious  of  such  deceit. 

Their  success,  hitherto  uninterrupted,  so  urged  them  on,  that 
neither  the  Governours  nor  Kett  himself  could  restrain  them  ;  and  the 
worst  features  of  the  rising  now  rapidly  developed  themselves.  They 
considered  as  enemies  not  only  those  who  refused  to  join  them,  but 
also  many  worthy  citizens,  who,  to  save  themselves,  fled  out  of  the 
City  with  their  wives  and  children ;  these,  driven  from  their  homes, 
wandered  here  and  there,  bewailing  much  the  iniquity  of  the  times, 
and  the  miserable  condition  of  their  country  :  while  those  who 
remained  in  the  City,  threatened  as  it  was  with  destruction  by  fire, 
looked  for  nothing  else  than  the  overthrow  and  ruin  of  all  things. 
The  state  of  affairs  in  the  Camp  was 1  as  bad  as  could  be  imagined  : 
thieves,  and  men  of  abandoned  character,  had  come  to  it  from  every 
part,  together  with  labourers  who  preferred  idleness  to  their  daily 
occupations  ;  and  these  gave  themselves  up  to  every  conceivable  kind 
of  wickedness. 

As  they  had  spread  devastation  on  all  sides,  so  whatever  was 

"  Castrorum  vero  horribilis  ac  miseranda  facies." — Nevylle. 


brought  to  the  Camp  was  quickly  consumed  in  surfeiting  and  revelling, 
to  an  extent  that  seems  almost  incredible  :  besides  swans,  geese, 
hens,  ducks,  and  all  kinds  of  fowls  without  number,  about  3,000 
bullocks  and  20,000  sheep  were  riotously  consumed  in  the  Camp 
within  a  few  days.  In  addition  to  this,  the  palings  and  hedges  of 
parks,  wherein  deer  were  kept,  were  pulled  down,  and  the  deer 
carried  off;  nothing  could  be  kept  from  them;  no  regard  was  had 
to  the  future  ;  no  thought  as  to  the  evils  that  might  ensue  ;  no  limits 
to  their  extravagance ;  but  all  things  were  speedily  dissipated  and 
exhausted ;  at  which,  much  as  we  may  regret  it,  we  cannot  feel  sur- 
prised, when  we  remember  that  hitherto  poor  and  mean  indeed  had 
been  the  fare l  of  very  many  among  that  multitude,  now  maddened  by 
the  sense  of  freedom  from  the  galling  restraints  under  which  in  time 
past  they  had  lived,  and  by  seeing  themselves  surrounded  with  a  pro- 
fusion— one,  too,  that  they  might  call  their  own — such  as  the  wildest 
imagination  amongst  them  could  scarcely  have  conceived.  Sheep 
and  other  cattle  were  so  recklessly  slaughtered,  that  a  wether  was 
sold  publicly  for  a  groat,  while  the  head  and  purtenance  were 
rejected  as  most  contemptible  food,  because  there  was  no  one  that 
would  eat  them,  so  great  was  the  abundance  of  more  delicate  fare. 
Why  should  I  recall  the  spoiling  of  groves  and  woods,2  which  were 
almost  utterly  rooted  up  and  cut  down  to  the  ground  ?  all  which,  as 
much  as  could  be  cut,  they  burned,  or,  what  was  worse,  used  in 
building  their  dens  and  lodgings.  To  their  licentiousness  they 
added  cruelty,  its  usual  companion ;  for  they  put  in  chains  many 
honest  and  harmless  folks,  coupling  them  two  and  two,  and  using 
them  very  badly.3 

Moreover,  they  appointed  to  each  of  the  gates  and  entrances  into 
the  City,  porters,  that  none  should  go  out,  and  commanded  also  the 

1  See  Note,  p.  28. 

2  Thorpe  wood  was  now  destroyed,  the  rebels  cutting  it  down  to  make  huts,  and 
for  fuel,  and  quite  cleared  it,  lest  any  should  conceal  themselves  therein  to  their  hurt. 
— Norwich  Boll, 

3  Wood's  Translation.     They  seem  to  have  been   content  with  imprisoning  the 
gentry, — a  proceeding  that  undoubtedly  tended  to  the  safety  of  many,  as  is  clearly  shown 
by  what  occurred  after  the  Marquis  of  Northampton  left  the  City. 


constables  of  the  wards  to  see  to  this.  A  great  company  of  country- 
men were  gathered  together,  and  appointed  to  keep  watch  and  ward 
— rude,  rough  men,  shortly  before  following  the  plough,  and  content 
to  do  so  ;  but  now  advanced  to  the  dignity  of  watchmen  and  warders 
of  a  great  city,  with  constables  charged  to  wait  upon  them  and  supply 
their  wants ;  and  their  wants  and  wishes  were  so  numerous,  that 
many  an  honest  man  was  ruined  in  his  attempt  to  gratify  and  relieve 
them.  In  a  word,  "  the  state  of  the  Cyttie  began  to  bee  in  most 
rnysserable  case,  that  all  men  looked  for  utter  destruction,  both  of 
lyfe  and  goods.  Then  the  remnant  that  fearid  God  seeing  the  plage1 
thus  of  sorrowe  encreasing,  fell  to  prayer  and  holye  lyife,  and  wyshid 
but  to  see  the  day  that  after  they  might  talke  thereof,  looking  never 
to  recover  helpe  againe,  nor  to  see  theyr  Cyttie  ageine  to  prosper." 

This  state  of  things  is  so  well  described  in  the  Norwich  Roll,  that 
one  cannot  but  regret  exceedingly  it  should  be  no  longer  extant : 
"  The  women  resorted  twice  a  day  to  prayer,  and  the  servants  (except 
what  must  needs  stay  at  home)  did  the  same ;  when  Kett's  ambassa- 
dors were  sent  to  any  private  house,  they  were  fain  to  bake  or  brew, 
or  do  any  work  for  the  Camp,  else  they  were  carried  as  traitors  to  the 
Oak ;  as  for  trading,  there  was  none  in  the  City,  people  being  forced  to 
hide  up  their  choicest  goods,  and  happy  were  they  that  had  the  faith- 
fullest  servants.  They  that  did  keep  open  their  shops  were  robbed 
and  spoiled,  and  their  goods  were  measured  by  the  arm's  length,  and 
dispersed  among  the  rebels ;  their  children  they  sent  away  for  fear  of 
fire :  I  the  writer  (who  was  then  above  22  years  of  age,  and  an  eye 
witness  of  these  things)  was  present  after  prayer,  during  this 
dolorous  state,  when  people  met  [and  bewailed]  the  miserable  state 
they  were  in,  and  like  to  be  in,  holding  up  their  hands  to  heaven, 
praying  with  tears  that  God  would  deal  so  mercifully  with  them,  that 
they  might  live  to  talk  of  it,  thinking  it  impossible  at  that  time,  they 
were  so  devoid  of  hope."  s 

1  I.  e.  "  plague."  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

3  For  this,  and  all  other  extracts  from  the  Norwich  Eoll,  I  am  indebted  to  "  The 
History  of  Kett's  Rebellion  in  Norwich,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Sixth ;  began  about 
the  20th  of  June,  1549,  and  ended  the  Twenty-seventh  of  August,  on  whicli  day  was 


With  the  view  of  keeping  up  the  excitement  and  increasing 
their  number,  the  rebels  "  made  Larums  that  Gentlemen  were  comming 
against  them  by  ringing  of  Bells  and  fireing  of  Beacons,  by  which 
meanis  resortid  greate  numbers  of  people  and  provision  owte  of  all 
Towns  in  Norfolk,  Suffolke  and  dyvers  other  placis  and  shyres  * 
and  such  as  had  Ketts  Commission  *  *  toke  owte  of  closes 
pasturs  and  myddows  and  owte  of  mens  houses  all  manner  of  horses 
and  of  grett  Cattle  iij  M  and  more,  and  of  sheepe  xx  M  and  more,  an 
deere  out  of  dyvers  parks  in  greate  number  besides  swans  Geese  and 
all  other  foulis  paying  nothing  therefore." l  This  extract  from 
Sotherton's  account  is  corroborated  by  Sir  Thomas  Woodhouse,  of 
Waxham,  who,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother  Sir  William,  says,  "  I  am 
spoyled  of  M  M  shepe  and  all  my  bulloks  and  horses  w'  the  moost 
parte  of  all  my  corne  in  the  contrye."  While  they  thus  appropriated 
to  their  own  use  whatever  substance  they  could  find,  all "  the  Gentyll- 
men  they  tooke  they  browte  to  the  Tree  of  Reformation,  to  bee  scene 
of  the  people,  to  demande  what  they  would  doe  with  them :  where 
some  cryide  Hang  him,  and  some  Kill  him,  and  some  that  heard  noe 
word  criyd  even  as  the  rest  even  when  themselves  being  demandid 
why  they  criyd,  answered,  For  that  theyr  fellows  afore  did  the  like," 
— a  state  of  things  of  which  the  following  may  be  taken  as  a  fair 
description : 

"  Give  to  vulgar  Heads  the  head,  and  looke  for  all  confused, 
At  once  they  publish  and  repeale,  all  else,  save  Order,  used : 
And  as  Kytts  Campe  ill-form'd  good  forme  at  their  reforming  Tree 
Sonnes  oft  by  aime  consorting  voice  their  Fathers  hang'd  should  be  ; 
So  wheare  the  Multitude  prevaile,  they  censure  ere  they  see."  3 

As,  however,  only  two  instances  are  recorded,  we  may  assume, 
that  how  violent  soever  Kett's  followers  might  be  in  word,  they  did 

killed  upwards  of  Three  Thousand  Five  Hundred  of  the  Rebels.  Taken  from  the  best 
account  that  was  ever  printed.  Norwich  :  printed  by  Lane  and  Walker,  and  sold  by  and 
for  W.  Chipperfield.  Price  1*.  Qd.  stitched,  or  in  boards  Is. ;"  as  also  for  other  extracts. 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

2  State  Paper  Office — Domestic — Edw.  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  55. 

3  Albion's  England,  by  William  Warner,  p.  192. 


not  display  equal  violence  in  their  deeds.  One  case  was  that  of  Mr. 
"VVharton :  "  being  garded  with  a  Lane  of  men  on  both  sydes  from 
the  said  tree  [of  Reformation]  into  the  Cyttie,  they  pricked  him  with 
theyr  spearis  and  other  weapons,  on  purpose  to  kill  him,  had  they 
not  had  greate  helpe  to  withstand  their  malice  and  creweltye."  l  In 
the  margin  Sotherton  has  written,  "  How  Mr.  Wharton  emong  them 
was  slaine  ;"  though  it  does  not  appear,  either  from  his  account  or  that 
of  Nevylle,  that  such  was  actually  the  case.2  The  other  was  that  of 
a  lawyer  belonging  to  Moulton :  he  was  very  much  disliked,  being 
"  a  subtill  fellow  and  a  man  set  to  sale  for  mony ;" 3  he  was  also 
revengeful,  and  had  the  reputation  of  being  able  to  raise  spirits  with 
fearful  signs  and  superstitious  wonders.  It  is  not  clear  what  they 
would  have  done  to  him,  on  his  hiding-place  among  thorns  and  briers 
being  made  known  by  a  woman  ;  but  a  fearful  tempest  arose,  ' '  mighty 
showres  fell,  mixt  with  haile,  which  covered  the  earth,  and  was  very 
deepe,"  just  at  the  time  when  they  were  "  haling  him  with  them 
with  all  reproach  and  contumely."  *  As  his  death  is  not  recorded,  it 
is  probable  he  escaped. 

But  though  no  other  cases  are  mentioned  by  name,  there  is 
reason  for  believing  that  as,  in  the  words  of  Paget  already  quoted,5 
"  Comyns  ys  become  a  kinge,"  and  all  had,  consequently,  full  leave 
and  license  to  act  as  they  pleased,  much  vindictiveness  would  be 
displayed,  and  many  a  grudge  that  had  long  rankled,  be  paid  off, 
and  acts  of  harshness,  injustice,  and  spoliation  perpetrated  against 
the  gentry,  in  return  for  similar  acts,  real  or  fancied,  committed 
by  them. 

While  the  rebels  were  thus  committing  their  ravages  in  the  City 
and  surrounding  country,  Sir  Edmund  Knevet,  or  Knyvett,  who 
resided  at  Hingham,  about  eleven  miles  from  Norwich,  determined, 
with  a  small  company  of  his  servants,  to  dislodge  a  body  of  insurgents 
stationed  there.  He  commenced  by  attacking  the  night  watch,  and, 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  "  Parumque  abfuit  quin  iuterficeretur." — Nevylle. 

"  Venalique  vir  ingenio." — Nevylle — Wood's  Translation. 
4  Wood's  Translation.  5  See  p.  17. 


overthrowing  many  of  them,  succeeded  in  breaking  through  their 
ranks.  Some  of  his  own  men  were  unhorsed,  and  in  danger  of  heing 
killed ;  but  after  displaying  much  valour,  he  succeeded  in  rallying  his 
followers,  and  escaping  with  them.  After  this  temporary  defeat,  the 
rebels  repaired  to  Kett  to  show  their  losses  and  complain  of  the 
same :  having  consulted  with  them  and  others,  it  was  proposed  that 
they  should  attack  Sir  Edmund  at  Buckenham  Castle,1  in  order  to  fetch 
him  out  of  it  by  force.  Considerable  dissension,  however,  took  place 
among  the  leaders ;  for,  the  place  being  well  fortified,  some  thought  it 
too  strong  to  be  taken,  while  others  were  held  back  by  their  fears,  the 
castle  being  full  twelve  miles  from  the  main  camp ;  and  so  that 
enterprise  dropped,  the  most  part  thinking  it  best  to  sleep  in  a 
whole  skin.3 

At  this  time,  Leonard  Sotherton,  a  citizen  of  Norwich,  had  through 
fear  of  the  rebels  fled  to  London,  "  for  his  owne  Savegard  as  others 
did  the  same  :"3  he  was  roughly  treated  by  the  way,  but  afterwards 
received  compensation.4 

"  Pd  to  leonard  Sutterton  in  recompense  of  suche  losses  ~> 

as  he  susteyned  when  he  was  robbyd  by  the  waye  f  —  „  Ivj  „  viij  " 
rydyng  for  the  Kyiigs  pardon  at  Magdalen  tyde ' 

He  was  summoned  before  the  Council,  who,  by  him  were  informed 
of  all  their  proceedings,  and  how  they  daily  increased,  threatening 
destruction  to  the  City,  and  to  all  the  gentry  they  could  meet  with : 
he  then  "besought  the  Kings  Malies  Grace  for  pardon  to  be  offrid 
unto  "  them,  "  hoping  that  the  offer  thereof  would  both  glad  a  greate 
numbre  of  harts  that  would  have  remorse  of  theyr  rebellion  and  to 
cause  the  same  to  revarte  and  returne  to  theyr  habitations  as  faithfull 
and  true  subjects  are  to  doe."  3  The  Council  approving  of  this  advice, 
"  one  of  the  Kings  Gracis  Harrold  att  armes  named  Yorke,"  was  sent 
with  him  to  Norwich,  "  and  by  the  xxj  day  of  July,  then  the  Even 
of  Mare  Magdalen,  about  noone  entred  the  Cyttie,"  and  having 

1  But  few  traces  of  this  castle  now  remain.  2  Blomefield. 

3  Nicholas  Sotherton.  4  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  3136. 



refreshed  himself,  to  judge  by  the  following  (assuming  the  accomptant 
to  have  mis-dated  his  entry)  * 

"  Itm  to  pyuchyn's  wyfe  for  brede,  drynke,  frute,  and  "} 

oyr  thynges  for  Mr.  Mayer  hys  brothern  and  oyrs  in  r  —  „  iij  „  iiij  " 
the  cownsell  howse,  the  xx*1  July  last  past ' 

immmediately  proceeded  to  the  Tree  of  Reformation,  "where  the 
sayde  Yorke  in  his  Cote  armour  in  the  whole  assemblye  of  people  did 
reade  and  declare  the  Kings  most  gracious  pardon  to  all  that  wolde 
humble  submit  themselves  and  depart  quietly  every  man  to  his 
howse  to  enjoy  the  benefyt  thereof;  "  '  he  said  : — "  Harken  all  you 
that  be  heere,  and  thou  Kett,  Captaine  of  mischiefe,  and  as  many 
of  you  as  are  present,  give  eare.  Although  the  manner  of  our 
ancestors,  and  the  dignitie  of  this  empire,  and  the  majestie  of  the 
name  of  a  King,  seeme  to  require,  that  you,  which  have  wickedly  taken 
upon  you  armes  against  your  countrie,  and  have  cast  yourselves  into 
open  conspiracie  and  rebellion,  having  been  put  to  flight  by  sword 
and  fire,  should  receive  due  punishment  for  the  wickednesse  which 
ye  have  committed :  yet  notwithstanding,  so  great  is  the  kindnesse 
and  clemencie  of  the  King's  Majestie,  that  those  whose  heinous 
offence  craveth  for  condign  punishment,  of  his  singular  and  incredible 
favour,  hee  will  have  preserved  with  safetie.  And  therefore  com- 
mandeth,  that  forthwith  every  man  lay  down  his  arms ;  that  they 
forsake  the  Campe  and  this  denne  of  theeves,  and  every  one  to  depart 
to  his  owne  house.  And  if  you  have  done  this  thing,  being  deceived, 
ye  have  your  pardon,  and  warrant  of  impunitie,  of  all  the  evils  yee 
have  done  :  but  if  yee  shall  remaine  in  your  former  mind,  and  purpose 
of  wickednesse,  he  will  surely  revenge  all  the  hurts  and  villanies 
that  you  have  done,  as  is  meet,  and  with  all  severitie  of  punishment. 
Neither  will  he  suffer  any  longer  remaine,  to  the  overthrow  of  the 
whole  kingdom,  the  things  that  are  to  be  cut  off  and  cannot  be 
healed." 3  Many,  hearing  these  gracious  words,  "  on  theyre  knees 
fell  downe  giving  God  and  the  Kings  Matie  greate  thanks  for  his 

1  City  Chamb.  Accts.,  p.  305  J.          2  N.  Sotherton.          3  "Wood's  Translation. 


gratis  clemenci  and  pitti :" l  others  shouted  "  God  save  the  King's 
Majestie !  "  and  it  seemed,  at  the  moment,  as  if  the  pardon  would 
be  accepted  and  the  commotion  come  to  an  end.  But  Kett,  feeling 
most  likely  that  he  could  scarcely  expect  to  be  included  in  the 
general  amnesty,  that  some  would  have  to  suffer  as  an  example, 
and  that  he,  as  their  ringleader,  would  undoubtedly  be  one  of  those 
selected  for  this  purpose,  very  fiercely  and  boldly  answered :  — 
"  Kings  are  wont  to  pardon  wicked  persons,  not  innocent  and  just 
men ;  they  for  their  part  had  deserved  nothing "  [in  the  way  of 
punishment]  "  and  were  guilty  to  themselves  of  no  crime ;  and 
therefore  despised  such  speeches  as  idle  and  unprofitable  to  their 
businesse."  He  further  charged  his  followers  not  to  forsake  him, 
nor  to  be  faint-hearted,  but  to  remember  his  promise  that  he  would, 
if  need  so  require,  lay  down  his  life  for  their  sake.  When  he  had 
so  said,  the  herald  charged  him  with  high  treason,  and  called  him 
a  traitor,  and  all  that  took  his  part.  He  further  commanded  John 
Pettibone,  sword-bearer,  to  arrest  him  on  this  charge,  "  but  then 
they  began  a  stur  on  every  side,  this  way  and  that  way,  striving 
with  no  less  stout  than  dangerous  contention."  The  herald,  seeing 
the  people  thus  speedily  fall  away  (though  they  had  been  somewhat 
pacified  by  the  offers  of  pardon  he  had  made  them),  and  that  Kett's 
words  could  so  easily  rouse  them  to  fury,  left  the  Camp,  accompanied 
by  many,  who,  casting  away  their  weapons,  trusted  themselves  to 
the  King's  mercy.  All  these,  with  the  Mayor  and  Thomas  Aldrich, 
entered  the  City,  and,  as  the  following  entries  in  the  City  Chamber- 
lain's Accompts  show,  having  rewarded  the  herald,  proceeded  to 

take  such  measures  as  seemed  to  them  best  adapted  for  its  defence. 


p.  302.     "  Itm   gaf  in  reward  on  mary   magdaleu  evyn3  ") 

to   mr.  Torke  Harold  at  armes  viij  pecea  of  good  r  iiij  „  —  „  — 
olde  sovereigns  by  comandement  of  the  Cownsell  . . .  ' 

"  Itm  paid  to  ij  men  that  made  that  night  vj  4  pyllets  of  ~> 

gonshotte )        "~  "  XVJ 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.       2  Wood's  Translation.      3  July  21st.      4  I.  e.  "  six  score.' 

L    2 


"  for  ce  and  xiiij11  lede —  „  x  „  viij 

and  a  bundell  of  large  brown  paper,  and  xvu  matchis 
dyvyded  amongst  all  the  gonners  that  night. 

"  Itm  for  mete  and  drynke  for  yem  y'  nyght    -  „  —  „  viij 

"  Itm  for  wood,1  astyll,2  and  Candyll    —  „  —  „  xij 

Byshops  Gats  rampired  with  erth  that  night  3 
A  pece  of  ordinaunce  carried  to  the  old  common 
stathe  yard,  the  ij  brothern  of  the  Appleyerds 
watchyd  that  place  that  night 
Sir  Wyllm  Pastons  ij  gret  gonnys  caryed  from  the 
common  stathe  to  the  castyl. 

A  bondell  of  small  brown  paper  and  match  sent  to 
the  castyl  and  common  stathe  to  shote  certen 
yron  gonnys  ther  that  came  from  Caster  Hall.4 

"  Itm  for  ij  gret  Coynes  5  for  the  forsayd  Gonnys —  „  —  „  viij 

"  Itm  for  Matches  sent  thyther  iju  —  „  —  „  xvj 

"  Itm  for  drynke  for  the  Gouners  ther    —  „  —  „  iiij 

"  Itm  for  lynpyns  6  for  dy vers  Gonnys —  „  —  „  iiij 

"  Mr.  Tho.  Godsalve  and  a  gret  company  of  others  kept 
Sir  "Will.  Pastons  gret  peces  that  night  in  the  castyl 

p.  302J.     "  Itm  to  lowthe  for  xiij  bolls 7  hade  y'  nyght  to  ) 

byshopps  gats  to  carye  erth  to  rampere  ye  gats )        "        "  XXJ 

"  Item  to  iiij  newe  Sholvys  8  y'  was  loste  ther —  „  ij  „  — 

"  Item  to  Raphe  Marsh"1  for  ij  Sholvys,  and  to  M.  Grey  for  } 

oon  Sholve  that  was  borrowed  y*  nyght  )  "  "  XV11J 

"  Item  to  Surnard  for  iij  newe  Shoos  sit 9  upon  the  Ac-  7 

comptants  horse  y4  nyght  at  Mydnyght )  "  ~~  "  1X 

1  /.  e.  "  faggots."  2  I.  e.  "  round  wood  not  split.  " 

3  The  charge  for  this  is  mentioned  in  C.  C.  Accts.  p.  306  : — 

"  Itm  to  Mr.  "Wardeyn  for  ij  menys  labor  y4  he  payd  on  \ 

Mary  Magdalene   evyn    for  caryeng  of    erth    at  V  —  „  —  „  xij  " 
byshopps  Gate  j 

4  Near  Great  Yarmouth.  *  I.  e.  "  wedges  for  adjusting  the  cannon." 
6  I.  e.  "  linch-pins."  ?  J.  e.  "  shallow  vessels  of  wood." 

8  I.  e.  "  shovels."  »  I.  e.  "  set." 



"  Itm  to  Busfylds  Wyff  for  ij  dosen  bowstryngs  for  the  ") 

bowesin  the  Guyldhalle )        "  ~  "  V11J 

"  Itra  to  dyvse  men  for  plats,  nayles,  staves  and  lambskyns,  )  _ 
for  ladylls  and  sponges  and  for  makyng  of  them    ...  ) 

"  Itm  to  Andrew  quash  for  ij  plats  with  certain  nayles  ^ 
dd  '  to  Thorns  Warlowe,  and  for  other  ij  plats  and  I 
nayles  dd  to  Rob*  Stephynson  for  makyng  ladylls  | 
for  Gonny s  ) 

"  Item  pd  in  that  monythe  for  mending  the  locks  to  Cos- 
lany  Gats  and  a  new  keye  ther  

"  Itm   to   M.   Sywhat  for   mendyng   of  ij   locks  at  St.  ) 

Awstens  Gates  and  ij  newe  keyes  ther  )        "       "     •* 

"  Itm  to  Grene  for  like  charges  at  Conysford  Gats  and  ij  ")  _        • 

newe  keyes  ther    5 

"  Itm  to  John  Elye  for  mendyng  the  locke  on  the  brasen  2  )  _  yjj: 

Tower  and  a  newe  keye  ther    5 

"  Itm  for  certen  newe  keyes  and  mendying  lockes  and  ")  _        j-      vjj; 
yron  worke  at  sondry  gats  ) 

"  Itm  to  a  man  of  the  Gentry  for  hys  too  hand  staffs  to 
make  sponges  for  the  Gonnys  at  the  old  comon 

"  Itm  for  drynke  for  the  ij  Appleyards  3  who  watched  that  ~)  _  - 

place  that  nyght    ) 

"  Itm  to  brays  man  and  an  oyr  man  y*  watched  upon  the  -^ 

Accomptant     all    that    nyght    caryeng   gonpowdr,  [  ...  „ 

Sholvys,  bolls,  staves,  and  other  ye  forsayd  thyngs  f 
to  the  places  wer  they  war  occupyed  J 

In  addition  -to  the  above,  it  was  thought  desirable  that  "the 
meanes  of  transporting  victuals  be  cut  off  and  taken  away  on  every 
side,  in  order  that  the  mindes  of  the  rebels  being  strooken  through 
want,  and  weary  of  the  warres,  might  faint  at  length.  "J 

1  J.  e.  "  delivered." 

2  Brazen-doors.      This  entrance  to  the  City  was  so  called,  according  to  tradition, 
from  the  hinges  being  of  brass ;   those  of  the  other  gates,  to  judge  by  the  still  eiisting 
one  of  St.  Benedict's,  were  of  iron. 

a  The  "  ij  Appleyards"  were  most  probably  John,  the  owner  of  Stanfield  Hall,  and 
Philip  his  brother.— See  Blomefield :  Windham.  4  Wood's  Translation. 

r         »         »   ]J 


When  they,  together  with  the  gentry  previously  imprisoned, 
but  now  set  free,  had  been  for  some  time  discussing  these  matters, 
there  came  to  them  messengers,  in  great  haste  and  terror,  saying  that 
some  of  the  citizens,  being  in  league  with  the  rebels,  had  let  in  many 
of  Kett's  followers.  In  consequence  of  this,  it  was  thought  best  to 
imprison  them  again,  lest  being  found  at  liberty  by  the  insurgents, 
they  should  perish  at  their  hands.  It  was  afterwards  discovered 
there  was  no  present  occasion  for  this  step,  since  the  rebels  very 
speedily  returned  to  the  Camp. 

Active  measures  were  at  once  taken  for  the  preservation  of  the 
City  :  ten  of  the  largest  cannon  l  they  had  were  posted  on  the  Castle 
ditches ;  "  and  the  night  drawing  on  the  seid  Thomas  Codd  with 
thadvise 2  of  his  brethren  the  Aldermen  and  others  of  the  Cytezins 
causid  good  watch  and  ward  to  bee  kept  in  especial  att  the  dan- 
ger ousest  places  " 3  that  if  any  attack  were  made  in  the  course  of 
the  night,  it  might  be  resisted. 

The  cannon  previously  mentioned  as  having  been  placed  on  the 
Castle  ditches  were,  on  trial,  found  of  little  use  in  annoying  the  enemy, 
the  distance  being  too  great ;  they  were  therefore  transferred  to  the 
Hospital  meadows,  and  the  whole  night  was  "  (for  the  most  part) 
spent  in  fearefull  shot  on  both  sides."  * 

The  Aldermen  and  Commoners,  with  their  servants,  actively 
bestirred  themselves,  some  in  guarding  the  gates  and  walls,  others  in 
riding  from  one  part  to  another,  and  all  exerting  themselves  to  the 
utmost  to  save  the  good  old  City. 

The  following  day,  July  22nd,  the  rebels,  finding  their  cannon 
had  done  no  harm,  brought  them  down  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and 
began  the  assault  again ;  from  which,  however,  they  speedily  desisted, 
want  of  provisions  compelling  them  to  ask  the  citizens  to  make 
a  truce  for  a  time.  The  messengers  sent  on  this  errand  were  James 
Williams,  tailor,  and  Ralph  Sutton,  hatter,  who,  bearing  a  flag 

1  One,  said  by  tradition  to  have  been  used  at  this  time,  is  still  in  existence,  at  the 
Old  Men's  Hospital,  in  Bishop-Bridge  Street. 

2  I.  e.  "  the  advice."  3  Nicholas  Sotherton.  4  "Wood's  Translation. 


of  truce,  on  being  brought  before  the  Mayor,  are  said  to  have  spoken 
to  this  effect : — 

"Our  Captain  Kett  and  his  soldiers  entreat  of  this  City,  and 
of  you  the  Mayor  and  your  brethren,  peace  and  truce  for  a  few  days, 
in  order  that  he  may  be  at  liberty  (as  he  recently  was)  to  supply 
himself  with  provisions.  If  you  will  not  grant  this,  he  and  they 
will  by  force  break  into  the  City,  and  destroy  all  things  with  fire 
and  sword." 

To  this  the  Mayor  replied  :   That  they  were  the  most  wretched 
traitors,  guilty  of  all  disloyalty  and  of  unheard-of  villany.     He  would 
not,   therefore,   grant   anything   to   their  most  iniquitous  demands ; 
nor,   if   he  were  willing,    was   it   allowable  to   do   so,    especially   as 
they  were  the  most  abandoned  of  men.     That  they  had  committed 
so   many,   and   such   intolerable   villanies   as   to   deserve   the   being 
not  only  shut  out  of  the  City,  but  also,  if  it  were  possible,  thrust 
wholly  beyond  the  pale  of  human  nature  itself.     That  they  despised 
the  King's  majesty,  wasted  the  country,  almost  utterly  destroyed  the 
City  of  Norwich,  had  branded  upon  themselves  and  their  posterity 
an  everlasting  mark  of  reproach  for  villany  and   treason,  and  that 
all  parts  had  by  their  violence  and  crimes  been  harassed,  polluted, 
troubled,  and  laid  waste.     "  And  yet  you  ask  to  be  admitted  into 
the  City  ?    to  enjoy  the  rights  of  citizens  ?    to  share  in  their  civil 
and  religious  privileges  ?    to   have   your  want   of  food   relieved   by 
them  ?     What  ?  do  you  not  repent  of  the  crimes  of  which  you  have 
been   guilty  ?    are  you  not,    at  the  very  least,   ashamed   of  them  ? 
Verily  I  know  not  whether  they,  who  have  committed    such  acts 
are  the  more  wicked,  or  they  who  have  made   this  request  are  the 
more   shameless.     Do   you  hope  to   obtain  them  from  the  Mayor? 
from  him  whom  lately  you  made  to  suffer  the  shame  and  disgrace 
of  imprisonment  ?     Do  you  hope  to   obtain  them  from   this   City  ? 
Have  you  not   almost  utterly  destroyed   it,    and   can  you  think   it 
will  help  you   now?     But  perhaps  you  think   the  citizens  will  aid 
you :    just   consider    how  you    have   treated   them :    have  you   not 
brought  war  upon  them,  with  its  accompanying  violence  and  terrors  ; 
and  do  you  suppose  that  they  will  supply  you  with  corn  and  pro- 


visions  to  serve  as  food  for  your  fury  ?  What  folly  to  entertain 
such  hopes !  Be  off  then,  be  off,  and  tell  Kett,  the  leader  of  these 
most  shameful  conspirators,  That  the  citizens  of  Norwich  would  obey 
the  King's  Majesty  and  not  these  traitors,  wretches  that  no  longer 
deserve  the  name  of  men :  while  as  regards  myself,  I  think  nothing 
of  the  dangers  and  horrors  you  are  preparing  against  the  City.  Break 
in,  lay  waste,  destroy,  cut  down,  and  overthrow,  just  as  you  please ; 
but  remember  that  God  is  the  avenger  and  punisher  of  all  such 
doings,  and  that  sooner  or  later  your  consciences  will  rebuke  you 
for  the  great  crimes  you  have  been  guilty  of: — and  remember  also, 
that  you  will  undoubtedly,  and  at  no  distant  period,  meet  with  the 
punishment,  you  will  have  by  your  madness  and  folly  drawn  down 
upon  yourselves."  Or,  in  the  words  of  another  writer,  Codd 
"  answered  that  neither  to  cum  or  have  nourishment  of  the  Cyttie 
shuld  bee  grantyed  but  defyans  utterly  as  Tray  tours." 

When  this  message  was  carried  back,  the  rebels  with  loud  out- 
cries ran  down  the  hill,  and  tried  their  utmost  to  break  in,  but  were 
withstood  "  every  waye,"  and  especially  "  wyth  Bowmen  as  they  came 
from  the  Hyll;"2  though,  however,  "they  were  shott  att  wyth  gret 
numbre  of  arrowes ;"  yet  instead  of  being  alarmed,  "  soe  impudent 
were  they,  and  soe  desperate,  that  theyr  vagabond  boyes  (literally 
sans  culottes  2)  came  emong  the  thickest  of  the  arrows  and  gathered 
them  up,  when  some  of  the  seid  arrows  stock  fast  in  theyr  Leggs  and 
other  parts." 2  It  is  reported  also  that  some,  having  the  arrows 
sticking  fast  in  their  bodies  (a  thing  fearful  to  tell,)  drawing  them 
out  of  the  wounds  just  received,  gave  them,  as  they  were  dropping 
with  blood,  to  those  who  were  standing  around,  that  they  might  again 
make  use  of  them.  This  proceeding,  as  well  as  that  of  the  boys  above 
mentioned,  displaying,  as  it  did,  such  utter  contempt  of  danger,  "  soe 
dysmayd  the  Archers  that  it  tooke  theyr  hart  from  them." 

No  word  of  commendation  has  Nevylle  for  this,  or  any  other  act 
of  courage  performed  by  these  men.  Had  it  been  of  some  ancient 
nation  he  was  writing,  or  had  such  an  incident  been  recorded  of  earlier 
times,  or  of  other  than  his  own  people  ;  had  distance,  whether  of  time 

1  Nevylle.  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


or  place,  lent  its  enhancing  aid,  we  may  be  sure  such  an  act  would 
have  come  in  for  its  due  meed  of  praise,  as  a  striking  example  of  the 
great  things  simple  men  can  do,  when  the  bold  spirit  of  resistance  to 
oppression  is  thoroughly  roused.  Instead  of  this,  he  describes  it  as 
something  "horrible  to  relate."  l 

In  the  mean  time  a  fearful  outcry  arose  in  another  part  of  the 
city,  "  To  arms,  To  arms  :  Citizens,  if  ye  be  men,  to  arms  :  the  enemy 
are  within  the  walls."  Many  straightway  running  thither  where  the 
cry  had  been  raised,  while  others  of  the  "  Cytizins  "  happening  to  be 
"  in  theyr  bowses  about  theyr  businesse,"  as  it  was  "  about  xj  or  xij 
of  the  clocke  att  noone,"  the  rebels  determined  to  avail  themselves  of 
the  opportunity  thus  offered  them  of  entering  the  City  :  accordingly, 
"the  seid  raggyd  boyes  and  desperate  vagabons  in  greate  numbre 
wyth  Halbers,  spers,  swerds,  and  other  weapons,  and  some  wyth 
pytchforks,  &c.  hastely  came  runnyng  downe  the  Hyll  and  tooke  the 
ryver  most  desperately  merevelous  to  the  beholders,2  as  soe  suddenly 
abashid  them,  that  the  Gonnar  fearid  to  shote  there  was  soe  greate  a 
numbre  about  him :  so  hee  left  his  ordenaunce  and  fledd,3  and  the 
rest  that  watchid,  seeing  themselves  nothing  to  resist,  allsoe  hastily 
departid,  when  the  Rebellis  soe  followid  that  happy  was  hee  that  " 
could  find  the  way  to  his  house,  and  the  secret  places  thereof;  and 
those  who  succeeded  in  doing  this  crept  in,  and  left  the  City  unde- 
fended. The  "  vagabons  "  before  mentioned  "  unrampired  "  Bishop's 
Gate,  "  and  carryed  the  vj  peeces  of  ordenaunce  to  the  Hylle  with  the 
Instruments  thereto  "  belonging :  while  others  "  came  furth  into  the 
Cyttie  and  by  the  way  called  the  Cytizins  Traytours  &c.  that  few  or 
none  durst  looke  out,  theyr  haste  was  soe  suddeigne  uppon  them."  * 

The  following  extracts  show  the  disturbed  state  of  the  City  : 5 

1  "  Horrendum  dictu." — Neeylle. 

2  "Remausi  sunt  non  tnodo  visu  mirabilem,  sed  et  auditu  profecto  incredibilem." — 

3  Nicholas  Sotherton  says :  "  For  want  of  powder  the  shott  followed  not,  neyther 
were  the  Q-onnars  perfyt  in  the  Cyttie  to  ordar  theyr  peeces  :  "  want  of  powder,  together 
with  want  of  skill,  was  sufficient  excuse  for  his  acting  thus.     See  Appendix  (P). 

4  Nicholas  Sotherton.  *  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  303. 



"  Magdalen  Day.1  Itm  Here  ys  to  be  notyd,  that  the  next  day  beyng  Mary 
Magdalen  Day,  the  chamberlayns  servyse  don  the  night  before,  and  specyally 
for  makyng  of  the  gonshot,2  was  bewrayed  by  John  Fyshman  to  traytor  Ket, 
so  that  he  sent  to  hys  bowse  about  Ixxx  men,  of  which  number  Robert 
Tysod,  tanner,  John  Barker,  bocher,  Echard,  myller  of  Heyham,  were  chieife 
messengers,  which  persons  caryed  the  chamberlain  to  the  Guyldhall,  and 
ther  took  away  oon  hole  barrell  of  gunpowder  and  a  remnant  of  another 
barrell  that  be  left  the  night  before,  and  certen  yron  pyllets  and  lede  pylletts, 
that  servyd  for  the  yronsling,  and  certen  mores 3  pykes  that  lay  over  the 
sembly  chambyr,  and  compellyd  him  to  pay  for  lyne  and  a  maunde  4  to  carry 
the  sayd  pelfer5  vjd. 

"  Itm  they  came  ageyn  to  the  chamberlayn's  howse,  and  tooke  from  thense  cxs 
pyllets  of  lede  that  war  made  the  nyght  before,  and  also  they  tooke  from  him 
in  corn,  paper,  and  serpentyn6  powder  of  his  own  goods  to  the  sum  of  vj^and 
odd  money,  and  besydes  that  compellyd  hym  to  pay  for  a  new  ferkyn  to  put 
in  the  gunshote  vd  and  for  lyne  to  truss  and  carry  the  pelfer  B  with  iijd. 

The  Herald  at  Arms  seeing  the  sad  state  of  affairs,  inasmuch  as 
"  his  commission  served  for  two  daies,"  7  did  not  leave  the  City., 
though  it  now  seemed  utterly  in  the  rebels'  power,  who  passed  to  and 
fro  as  they  pleased ;  but  went,  accompanied  by  the  Mayor  and  many 
of  the  citizens,  into  the  market-place,  and  there  again  in  the  King's 
name  he  commanded  them,  That  they  should  lay  down  their  arms, 
leave  the  Camp,  depart  severally  to  their  own  homes,  and  avail  them- 
selves of  that  mercy  and  pity  which  the  King  was  so  ready  to  show 
them :  that  if  they  did  this,  they  should  be  safe  and  free  from  all  fear 
of  punishment ;  while  if  they  did  not,  they  might  expect  "  grievous 
torments,  bitter  death,  and  all  extremity :"  3  but  they  utterly  rejected 
his  offers,  "  and  cryed  and  howlid  and  showtyd  as  "  though  "  they 
had  wonne  theyr  purpose  even  the  wholle  way  as  they  went  to  the 
Crosse  of  the  market,  to  the  greate  admiration  of  the  Harrold  and  all 
the  Cyttie."  7  When  he  had  finished  speaking,  they  cried  out :  "  Let 
him  be  off :  plague  take  him  with  his  empty  promises  :  he  must  be 
mad  to  think  he  could,  with  his  fine  speeches,  come  round  them  to 

1  July  22nd.  -  See  p.  75. 

;i  Powerful  pikes,  called  also  morris  pikes.  4  /.  e.  "  hand-basket." 

''  I.  e.  "things  pilfered  or  stolen."  6  Very  inflammable  powder, 

'  Nicholas  Sotherton.  8  Wood's  Translation. 


their  utter  ruin.  They  detested  aud  downright  hated  such  mercy,  as 
seemed  to  hold  out  the  hope  of  pardon,  while  in  reality  it  cut  off  all 
chance  of  safety."  The  herald,  finding  it  beyond  his  power  to  influ- 
ence them,  either  by  threats  of  punishment  or  offers  of  forgiveness, 
"  accompanied  wth  Austin  Sty  ward  Alderman  and  others,  seeing  theyr 
rudenes  and  partly  fearing  theyr  desperatenes,  desyred  the  seid  Mr. 
Styward  to  bring  him  out  of  the  Cyttie,  which  after  bee  was  brought 
furth  St.  Stephens  gate  departed  straight  to  the  Corte,  the  Cyttie 
with  the  Rebellis  being  in  greate  rowre,  which  still  went  howling 
abroade  the  Cyttie."  1  The  following  describes  one  act  of  violence 
perpetrated  at  this  time,  while  it  also  strikingly  illustrates  what  may 
not  unjustly  be  called  the  good-nature  of  the  insurgents,  and  their 
readiness  to  be  deterred  from  perpetrating  an  act  of  cruelty  : 2 

"  Itra  the  next  day  being  the  xxiij  July  a  gret  sorte  of  the  same  company  with 
others  to  the  nombyr  of  c  persons  at  the  leste,  came  ageyn  to  the  accomptants 
howse  and  tooke  away  of  his  own  goods  ij  bows,  iij  sheffe  of  arrows,  with  cases 
and  gyrdylls,  iiij  alman  halberds,  ij  black  bylls,  certen  clubbys  and  stavys,  ij 
almayn  ryvetts  as  fayer  as  any  war  in  Norwych,  and  a  jack  of  fusty  an,  and 
also  carryed  hym  away  wyth  them  to  Mushold  to  have  hym  to  the  tre  for 
makyng  of  the  forsayd  gunshotte,  and  by  the  way  he  intretyd  them  so  that 
they  caryed  him  to  Xorwiehe  bothe,  wher  he  gaf  them  for  remyssyon  from 
goyng  to  the  tre  iij8  iiij11." 

Immediately  after  his  departure,  they  commanded  Leonard 
Sotherton  to  be  brought  before  them,  "  meaning  to  him  and  his  to 
doe  some  mischiefe,  for  that  hee  was  one  that  browte  downe  the 
pardon,  in  soe  much  that  both  Leonard  and  his  brethren  from  thence 
furth  durst  noe  more  to  bee  scene  abroade,"  l  but,  in  fear  of  their 
lives,  hid  themselves  privily  amongst  their  friends  and  kindred. 

Kett  then  ordered  the  Mayor,  Robert  Watson,  William  Rogers, 
alderman,  John  Homerson,  alderman,  William  Brampton,3  gent., 
Thomas  Aldrich,  "and  divers  others  of  worship,"  to  be  apprehended, 
"  whome  they  carryed  prisoners  to  theyr  Campe  and  putt  them  in 
hold  in  Surry  place,  where  they  remayned  in  chaines  and  fetters  unto 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  303. 

:i  This  is  probably  the  same  Mr.  Brampton  as  is  mentioned  p.  7. 

M    2 


the  last  daye  "  of  the  commotion  :  "  some  by  Gods  provision  was  savid 
and  some  dyed,"  a  either  naturally  or  were  cruelly  slain.3 

While  these  things  and  the  like  were  tumultuously  done  in  the 
Camp,  Kett,  seeing  clearly  the  perilous  position  in  which  he  stood  ; 
that  he  either  must  win  a  blood-stained  victory  over  his  country,  or 
would  meet  with  such  an  end  as  his  opponents  considered  him  worthy 
of ;  applied  himself  vigorously  to  increase  his  forces,  sending  in  divers 
directions  "  his  Embassadors  to  rayse  the  whole  Country,  by  which 
means  resortid  to  him  a  greate  numbre,"  l  "  allured  by  rewards,  and 
faire  promises,  and  men  that  had  nothing  to  take  to,  and  were  without 
hope  of  anything.  *  *  *  "Whereupon,  it  is  incredible  to  tell 
how  great  and  almost  innumerable  multitudes  of  gracelesse  persons 
on  the  sodaine  were  assembled."3 

The  treatment  the  Mayor  met  with  gave  great  offence  to  the 
well-disposed  amongst  the  citizens  :  they  could  not  bear  to  think  that 
he  was  kept  bound  by  the  rebels,  that  insult  should  be  added  to 
injury,  and  that  he  should  be  exposed  to  the  fear  of  a  sudden  and 
violent  death.  One  of  their  jests  at  the  Mayor's  expense  has  been 
preserved :  "  being  called  Codde  by  name,  and  there  is  a  fish  of  the 
sea  called  after  the  same  manner,  *  *  in  contempt  of  the  worthy 
Maior's  name,  and  to  his  no  little  danger,  one  varlet  ministring 
occasion  unto  another  of  laughter  and  scoffing,  they  made  an  O  yes ; 
and  cryed,  As  many  as  would  come  to  the  Campe  tomorrow,  should 
buy  a  Cod's  head  for  a  penny."  3  Under  the  impression  that  he  was 
in  danger,  the  citizens  came  to  Thomas  Aldrich,  and  complained  of 
these  things.  He,  being  very  popular,4  had  great  influence  amongst 
the  rebels,  so  that  "  neither  his  advice  nor  enterprises  were  at  any 
time  in  vaine  ;"  and  "  much  of  the  goods  the  rebels  had  taken  away 
by  force,  through  his  industry  were  restored  again  to  the  owners,  and 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

a  Nevylle.     I  have  given  Nevy  lie's  statement,  though  I  cannot  help  thinking  he 
•would  have  mentioned  such  cases  individually,  if  his  account  had  been  true. 

3  Wood's  Translation. 

4  By  reason  of  his  "good  modesty,  for  which  hee  was  beloved  of  Cyttie  and  Couutrye." 
— Nicholas  Sotherton. 


on  his    House    on    Tombland. 

P.  86. 


many  attempts  of  the  seditious,  by  his  providence  and  diligence  were 
restrained."  l  When  he  understood  in  what  peril  the  Mayor  was,  he 
came  to  Kett  and  advised  that  he  be  set  at  liberty :  Kett  said  not  a 
word,  but  remained  like  one  fixed  in  thought :  then  Aldrich  cried 
with  a  loud  voice,  "  Art  thou  not  ashamed,  wretched  tray  tour,  to  hold 
in  prison  and  irons,  I  say,  not  alone  an  harmlesse  man,  but  a  Maior, 
which  is  the  King's  Majesties  most  faithfull  lieutenant  ?  Art  thou 
so  fierce  and  cruel,  that  when,  through  ryot  and  excesse,  thou  hast 
wasted  the  goods  and  commodities  of  all  men,  thou  canst  now  not  be 
satisfied,  nor  filled,  except  thou  mayest  drinke  up  at  last  also  the 
bloud  of  innocent  persons  ?  Therefore  thou,  the  wretchedest  man  the 
earth  beareth,  command  him  forthwith  to  bee  brought  out  of  prison." 

The  result  of  Aldrich's  speech  was  that  his  command — for  it  can 
scarcely  be  called  request — was  obeyed,  and  the  Mayor  had  "many 
tymes  liberty  to  goe  and  cum  into  the  Cyttie,"  2  thus  escaping  the 
annoyances  and  dangers  to  which,  as  a  prisoner,  he  might  have  been 
exposed  ;  "  by  whose  advice  prudently  was  as  many  evils  foreseene  as 
might  bee."  Since,  however,  "  the  seid  Mayour  was  feine  for  the 
most  part  to  bee  att  the  Camp  to  see  the  best  ordre  there,"  and  could 
not  therefore  sit  continually  in  the  government  of  the  City,  as  the 
duty  of  his  office  required  him  to  do,  "  hee  appoynted  Mr.  Austen 
Sty  ward 3  Alderman  to  bee  his  depute  in  the  Cyttie,  whoe  very  wisely 
*  *  *  did  allways  forsee  evylls,  and  for  that  hee  had  allways  bin  a 

1  Wood's  Translation.  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

3  "  Augustine  Steward,  mercer,  Mayor  1534, 1546,  and  1556  :  M.  P.  1541.  He  lived 
in  a  house  on  Tombland,  now  a  butcher's  shop,  exactly  opposite  the  Erpinghatn  Gate,  in 
the  front  of  which  is  a  stone  bracket,  with  his  mark  impaling  the  Mercers'  arms,  and  the 
date  1540.  His  property  extended  along  the  north  and  west  sides  of  the  churchyard, 
into  Prince's  Street,  including  the  site  of  an  ancient  building  called  Prince's  Inn,  which 
probably  gave  name  to  the  street.  Kirkpatrick  says  :  '  In  the  Prince's  Inn  house,  in 
St.  Geo.  Tomblaud,  there  is  carved,  upon  an  old-fashioned  piece  of  work,  such  as  was 
usually  then  placed  at  the  end  of  their  benches  in  their  great  halls,  an  escoch :  viz. 
a  lion  ramp'  with  bend  ragulie,  trunked,  (Styward)  impaling  on  a  bend  wavy  3  birds, 
a  border  ingrailed  roundelly.  (Eede).  And  upon  another  such  thing  his  mark,  which 
likewise  appears  upon  seals  to  deeds  dated  1523  and  1535.'  "—Norf.  Archaeol.  vol.iii.  p.  202. 

His  likeness  is  in  St.  Andrew's  Hall,  and  his  mark,  mentioned  in  the  above  note,  is 
still  in  existence. 


good  and  modest  man,  hee  was  beloved  of  poore  and  rich,"  l  and  all 
readily  obeyed  him.  He,  taking  unto  him  Henry  Bacon,3  Alderman, 
and  John  Atkins,  then  Sheriffs,  "  kept  the  Cytezins  except  the  most 
vagrand  and  vacabond  persons  in  good  quiet."  During  this  time 
the  gentlemen,  held  in  confinement  by  the  rebels,  suffered  many 
indignities,  and  some  were  probably  slain  :  the  following  was  the 
manner  of  proceeding :  "  Kett,  openly,  all  men  beholding  him,  went 
upon  the  oke  "  daily,  "  which  they  called  the  Oke  of  Reformation," 
and  then  "  dyd  call  the  Gent[lemen]  prisoners  before  him,  which  was 
not  done  wythout  the  whole  multitude,  and"  with  regard  to  "them 
they  had  no  complainte  of  they  cryed  '  A  good  man,  A  good  man ;' ' 
while  as  regards  "  the  others  that  were  complaind  of  they  cryed 
'  Hang  him,  Hang  him,' 3  wythout  furder  judgement,  yea  though  the 
seid  Gentlemen  by  eny  ways  made  to  them  intercession  and  promysed 
them  amendment,  soe  maliciously  were  they  bent :"  1  and  this  they  did 
"  although  they  were  utterly  ignorant  of  the  man  in  question,  whether  • 
white  or  black,  old  or  young  (as  one  whose  name  was  never  heard  of 
before)  yet  after  this  manner  they  were  always  wont  to  cry  out. 
And  in  this  manner  these  traytors,  not  led  by  judgment  or  reason, 
(lest  they  should  be  unlike  themselves)  but  led  by  a  certaine  blinde 
and  headlong  rage  of  the  minde,  (as  by  a  mighty  tempest)  oftentimes 
without  a  word,  and  as  it  were  with  a  madde  nod  of  their  furies,  they 
inflicted  most  cruell  punishment  upon  innocent  and  just  men.  And 
surely  so  great  was  the  strength  of  the  disease,  and  as  it  were  corrup- 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

2  "  Henry  Baoon,  grocer,  Mayor  in  1557  and  1566.     His  mark  and  initials  are  over 
the  south  entrance  of  a  large  corner  house,  formerly  his  residence,  and  now  the  People's 
College.     It   is   situated   opposite   the  east  end   of  the  church,  and   built  with  flint. 
Kirkpatrick  says :   '  On  the  ruddle  screen  of  the  hall  are  three  racks,  the  upper  with 
five,  each  of  the  others  with  four  places  to  hang  the  maces  on,  belonging  to  the  officers 
of  the  Mayor  and  Sheriffs.'     About  fifty  years  since,  a  large  room  on  the  first  floor  was 
lined  with  fine  oak  panelling,  and  the  chimney-piece  elaborately  carved ;    all  of  which 
was  about  that  time  removed  to  the  mansion  of  —  Tompson,  Esq.,  of  "Witchingham." — 
Norf.  Archtsol.  vol.  iii.  p.  201. 

3  From  the  strong  feeling  entertained  by  Nevylle  and  Sotherton,  I  cannot  help 
thinking  that,  had  this  threat  been  carried  out,  the  names  and  other  particulars  connected 
with  those  who  suffered,  would  have  been  preserved. 



tion  that  possessed  the  mindes  of  them  all ;  as  being  almost  without 
sense,  and  through  the  crueltie  of  so  great  villany  hardened ;  they 
violated  all  lawes  of  God  and  man  with  their  great  fury  and  bold- 
nesse." l 

It  is  uncertain  how  long  this  lawless  state  continued  without 
any  attempt  being  made  to  check  it :  one  account  says,  "  a  few  clays 
having  intervened,"  3  while  another,3  "after  xiiij  or  xvj  daies,"  i.  e. 
after  the  herald's  departure  ;  but  as  he  left  on  the  23rd  July,  at  the 
latest,  and  as  the  battle  on  the  Palace  Plain  was  fought  August  1st, 
"a  few  days"  is  the  correct  statement.  The  Council  would,  when 
they  heard  of  the  state  of  affairs,  undoubtedly  lose  no  time,  but  with 
all  despatch  send  forces  to  "  represse  theis  Rebellis."  Accordingly,  the 
supreme  command  was  entrusted  to  William  Parr,4  Marquis  of  North- 
ampton, who  was  accompanied  by  "  the  Lord  Sheffeyld,6  the  old  lord 
Waydsworth6  and"  a  "number  of  Knyghts,  as  Sr  Anthony  Denny,7 

1  "Wood's  Translation.  2  Nevylle.  3  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

4  William  Par,  son  and  heir  of  Sir  Thomas  Par  of  Kendal,  by  Maud,  daughter  of  Sir 
Thomas  Greene,  of  Green's  Norton,  in  Northamptonshire.  Henry,  upon  his  marriage 
with  this  gentleman's  sister  (Katharine  Parr,  widow  of  Lord  Latirner),  created  him 
Baron  Par  of  Kendal,  and  soon  after  revived  in  him  the  Earldom  of  Essex,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  having  taken  to  wife  Anne  Bourchier,  daughter  and  sole  heir  of  Henry, 
the  last  earl  of  that  ancient  family.  On  the  accession  of  Edward  Arl.  he  was  created 
Marquis  of  Northampton  ;  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  same  king  was  constituted  Lord 
Great  Chamberlain  for  life ;  and  the  next  year  was  sent  to  invest  the  King  of  France 
with  the  order  of  the  Garter.  He  died  1571,  and  was  buried  in  the  collegiate  Church 
of  Warwick.— Zone's  Illustrations  of  British  History,  vol.  i.  p.  64. 

8  "  Edmund  Sheffield  was  advanced  to  the  peerage  on  the  16th  February,  1547  (two 
days  before  the  coronation  of  Edward  Sixth),  in  the  dignity  of  Baron  Sheffield,  of  Butter- 
wike,  in  the  county  of  Lincoln.  The  next  year  "  [Burke  is  here  mistaken  ;  it  was  in 
1549],  "  his  lordship  having  accompanied  the  Marquess  of  Northampton  to  suppress  the 
rebellion  of  Ket,  in  Norfolk,  lost  his  life  in  the  conflict.  He  had  married  the  Lady  Anne 
Vere,  daughter  of  John,  Earl  of  Oxford,  and  left  one  son  and  three  daughters."  The 
honours  and  male  line  of  this  family  having  ultimately  become  dukes  of  Normanby  and 
Buckingham,  became  extinct  in  1735. — Burke' s  Extinct  Peerages.  See  Appendix  (Q). 

6  I.  e.  "  Wentworth."      Thomas  Wentworth,  Esq.,  son  of  Sir  Eichard  Wentworth, 
Knt.,  of  Nettlested,  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  was  summoned  to  parliament,  by  writ,  as 
Baron  Wentworth. — BurJce's  Extinct  Peerages. 

7  Sir  Anthony  Denny,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  had  been  Gentleman  of  the 
Privy  Council  and  Groom  of  the  Stole.      He  was  the  only  one,  amongst  the  courtiers, 


Sr  Ralphe  Sadler,  Sr  Rychard  a  Lee,1  Sr  Rychard  Southwell,  Sir 
John  Gates,  Sir  Thomas  Paston,2  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield,3  Sir  John 
Suliard,  Sir  William  Walgrave,  Sir  John  Cutts,  Sir  Thomas  Corn- 
walles,"  4  "  and  dyvers  other  Knights  5  Squyers  and  Gentyllemen  and 
dyvers  Italians  strangers  and  others  to  the  number  of  xij  or  xiiij  C 
persons."  6  When  he  had  arrived  within  a  mile  of  the  City  he  sent  a 

who  dared  to  apprise  his  royal  master  of  his  approaching  dissolution.  Henry  had, 
however,  so  high  an  esteem  for  Sir  Anthony,  that  he  could  perform  the  sad  office  with 
impunity,  and  the  monarch  presented  him  with  a  magnificent  pair  of  gloves  worked  in 
pearls.  Sir  Anthony  was  also  constituted  one  of  the  executors  of  his  deceased  sovereign. 
His  grandson,  Sir  Edward,  was  created  Earl  of  Norwich,  but  the  title  became  extinct  in 
1660. — Burke,  Extinct  Peerages. 

1  "  Pore  Syr  Eichard  a  Lee,"  says  Paget  in  a  letter  to  Somerset,  viii.  of  Maye,  1549 
(State  Paper  Office,  Domestic,  Edward  VI.  vol.  vii.  No.  5),  "this  afternoon,  after  your 
grace  had  very  sore,  and  to  much  more  then  neded,  rebuked  him,  came  to  my  chambre 
weping,  and  there,  complayuing   (as  farre  as  became  him)  of  your  handeling  of  him, 
semed  almost  owt  of  his  wyt,  and  owt  of  hart  your  grace,  be  assured,  hath  put  him  cleane." 

2  One  of  that  ancient  and  "  worshipful "  family  the  Pastons,  whose  seat  was  at 
Paston,  and  subsequently  at  Oxnead,  Norfolk.     In  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  Sir  Eobert 
Paston  was  created  Baron  Paston  of  Paston,  and  Viscount  Yarmouth,  both  in  the  county 
of  Norfolk.     He  was  afterwards  raised  to  the  earldom.     He  was  succeeded  by  his  son, 
"William  Paston,  who   died  1732,  leaving  no  male  issue,   whereupon,  the  male  line  of 
his  brothers   having  previously  ceased,  the  Barony,  Viscounty,  and    Earldom   became 
extinct. — Burke,  Extinct  Peerages. 

*  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield,  Knt.,  was  one  of  the  first  who  declared  for  Mary,  on  the 
death  of    Edward  VI.,  and   came  to  her  Majesty's   assistance  with    140   men  armed 
cap-a-pie,  while  at  Framlingham  Castle,   Suffolk.     During  Mary's  reign  he  was  made 
Governor  of  the  Tower,  and  had  charge  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  who,  on  ascending  the 
throne,  dismissed  him   from  court,  saying,  "whenever  she   had  a   state   prisoner  who 
required    to   be  hardly  handled  and  strictly  kept,  she  would    send    for   him."     Their 
chief  seat  is   at    Oxburgh   Hall,  one   of    the   most  perfect   specimens    of    castellated 
mansions  in  the  kingdom. 

4  Subsequently  slain  at  the  same  time  as  Lord  Sheffield. 

*  The  names  of  two  of  these  knights  have  been  preserved ;  one,  Sir  John  Cleere, 
being  mentioned  in  the  letter  of  the  Lords  of  the  Council  to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury 
and  also  byNevylle;  and  the  other,  Sir  Ed  ward  "Ward  (Sotherton)  or  Warner  (Nevylle), 
being  described  as  Knight  Marshal. 

6  N.  Sotherton. — King  Edward,  in  his  Journal,  states  :  "  The  peple  sodenly  gathered 
together  in  Norfolk  and  encreased  to  a  great  nomber,  against  whom  was  the  L.  Marquise 
Northampton  sent  with  the  nombre  of  1,060  horsmen."  It  is  conjectured  by  the  editor 
of  King  Edward's  Journal,  printed  for  the  Roxburgh  Club,  that  this  should  be  1,600. 
The  word  "  hors  "  has  the  appearance  of  an  interpolation,  or  a  correction. 

From    the   Painting     in    S1  Andrews    Hall,    Norwich. 

See-  P  S3. 


herald,  Norroy  King  at  Arms,  to  summon  it  to  yield,  and  if  it  would 
not,  to  declare  war  against  it.  When  all  things  usual  in  such  cases 
had  been  proclaimed  and  done  in  the  City,  "  the  seid  Awsten 
Styward,  depute  for  the  Mayour,"  having  understood  it  to  be  "  the 
Lord  Lieuetenant's  pleasure  to  bee  recevid  into  the  Cyttie  wyth  his 
power,  the  seid  Awsten,  being  in  Person  att  the  seid  gates  of  St. 
Steven,  hastely  gave  notice  thereof  to  the  Mayour  then,"  very  much 
against  his  will,1  "  wyth  Kett  in  the  Camp,  whoe,  by  noe  meanes 
would  suffre  the  seid  Mayour  from  him  to  depart,  but  kept  hym 
perforce."  The  message  sent  back  by  the  Mayor  was  to  this  effect : 
"  That  never  any  thing  happened  more  grievous  unto  him  al  his  life- 
time than  these  evils,  which  having  been  brought  in  of  most  seditious 
persons,  have  almost  over-turned  with  villany  that  cannot  be  atoned 
for,  his  country  and  City  of  Norwich,  flourishing  before.  That  (as 
much  as  by  man's  reason  could  be  foreseene)  hee  had  used  all  diligenco 
that  these  tumults  might  have  been  restrayned  at  the  beginning  :  yet 
he  could  not  bring  it  to  that  passe,  by  reason  of  the  rage  of  the  mis- 
chiefes,  wherewith  the  mindes  of  all  were  holden  intangled.  That  he 
had  indured  the  terror  of  imprisonment,  the  perill  of  death,  finally  all 
extremity  at  their  hands,  and  at  this  time  was  holden  in  the  Campe, 
with  a  guard  of  souldiers  round  about  him.  Otherwise  he  would  have 
come  himselfe  without  delay  (as  was  meet)  to  the  Marquess  of  North- 
ampton. Neverthelesse,  that  the  City  might  be  kept  the  better  in 
order,  he  had  given  his  authority  of  governement  to  Augustine 
Steward,  a  very  carefull  and  wise  "man  :  lest,  in  his  absence,  the  people 
through  ignorance  might  fall  away  from  their  duty.  That  the  City 
should  be  at  his  commandement,  and  himselfe  (if  Kett  would  permit) 
would  willingly  come  out  of  the  Campe  and  receive  him,  and  commit 
his  owne  and  the  state  of  the  City  to  his  protection."  This  answer 
of  the  Mayor  was  carried  quickly  by  the  herald  to  the  Marquis. 
In  compliance  with  Codd's  request,  his  Deputy,  with  the  sheriffs,  and 
a  great  multitude  of  citizens  following,  went  immediately  to  the  army 

1  "  Invitissimum  huuc  antea  diximus  in  Ketti  castris  detentum." — Nevylle. 

2  Nicholas  Sotherton.  3  "Wood's  Translation. 



of  Northampton,  unto  whom,  after  "  hee  had  kissed  the  Swerd,"  l  he 
delivered  it,  being,  as  it  is,  a  sign  of  the  King's  Majesty's  presence, 
and  of  his  authority,  and  in  the  chief  cities  of  England  is  wont  always 
to  be  carried  before  the  Mayor.  Having  expressed  his  regret  at  the 
Mayor's  compulsory  absence,  he  added,  "  that  he  and  the  chief  of  the 
City  were  come  to  deliver  up  the  City,  themselves,  and  all  that  they 
had,  to  the  authority  of  the  King :  they  confessed  there  were  many 
of  the  citizens  who  could  not  be  deterred ;  but  would  needs  consent 
to  the  rebels :  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  best  citizens,  however, 
remained  still  in  their  faith  and  allegiance,  and  had  not  joined  them- 
selves with  the  others,  nor  in  any  respect  conspired  against  the  King's 
Majesty ;  and  that  those  now  present  were  ready  and  willing  to  do 
whatever  should  be  enjoined  them,  and  to  receive  him  and  his  army 
into  the  City."  Northampton  again  encouraged  the  hearts  of  the 
citizens  with  good  words,  promised  he  would  take  care  of  them,  and 
had  good  hope  that  ere  long  the  spirit  of  violence,  wherewith  now  so 
many  were  inflamed,  would  speedily  be  suppressed.  When  he  had 
made  an  end  of  speaking,  he  delivered  the  sword  to  Sir  Richard 
Southwell,  who  carried  the  same  bareheaded  before  him,  an  honour 
by  ancient  custom  always  given  to  the  King's  lieutenants.  Entering 
at  Saint  Stephen's  Gate,  he  proceeded  to  the  Council-chamber,  where 
lie  "  refreshyd  him  and  drank  a  Cup  of  Wine,"  l  and  partook  of  divers 
good  things,  as  the  following  extract 3  shows  : 

"  Itm    more  to   hyr   [i.  e.   Pynchyn's   wife]    for  brede,  ^ 

drynke,  mete,  wyue,  fruite  and  other  thyngs  for  my  I  

lord  Marques  in  the  Cownaell  chambyr  [imme]dy-  f 
atly  aftr  his  entrans  into  the  Cy te  J 

"  Itm  to  Norman  for  sugr  llb  spent  ther -  „  —  „  xiiij  " 

He  then  gave  commandment  that  all  the  citizens  should  come  into 
the  market-place,  where  they  long  consulted,  and  many  things  of 
many  were  devised,  as  well  for  the  defence  of  the  City,  as  for  restrain- 
ing the  assaults  of  the  enemy. 

Then  were  appointed  watch  and  ward  upon  the  walls,  and  at  the 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  305J. 


City  gates ;  and  in  all  places,  if  any  were  thought  too  weak,  armed 
men  were  placed  to  be  ready  in  case  of  need. 

These  things  having  been  thus  arranged,  Northampton  went  to 
the  house  of  the  Mayor's  Deputy,  and  supped  there  with  his  company 
of  nobles  and  gentlemen  :  when  supper  was  ended,  although,  through 
the  length  of  the  journey,  and  heat  of  the  weather,  all  in  the  house 
were  weary,  yet  without  taking  off  their  armour,  they  prepared  to 
spend  the  night  in  the  Deputy's  gallery,  lying  "  uppon  Cushions  and 
pillows,"  1  ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  be  up  and  doing.  As  we 
recall  those  times,  the  contrast  is  not  a  little  striking  between  the 
present  humble  tenants  of  Steward's  house,  and  those,  the  noble  lords, 
brave  knights  and  gallant  gentlemen,  who  then,  tired  out  with  their 
march,  were  glad  to  rest  beneath  its  hospitable  roof :  and  as  we  pass 
through  the  quiet  churchyard,  along  two  sides  of  which  his  house 
extended,  it  seems  almost  impossible  to  believe,  that  the  deep  stillness 
of  this  peaceful  spot  was  ever  so  rudely  broken,  as  it  must  have  been, 
by  the  stirring  events  of  that  memorable  night. 

The  same  day  certain  Italians  skirmishing  with  the  rebels,  and 
many  wounds  being  given  on  both  sides,  one  of  the  foreigners  advan- 
cing very  boldly,  the  nmltitude  surrounded  him,  and  at  length,  having 
taken  him,  put  him  to  a  shameful  death :  for,  stripping  off  all  his 
garments  and  armour  (very  costly  and  cunningly  wrought),  they  hung 
him  upon  an  oak 2  on  Mount  Surrey,  with  many  revilings  and  insults 
before  his  death.  The  miserable  death  of  so  worthy  a  soldier  was 
much  lamented,  and  many  would  with  a  great  sum,  as  much  as  £100, 
willingly  have  ransomed  him,  if  it  had  been  possible.  Shortly  after, 
by  the  providence  of  God,  who  suffereth  not  the  wicked  to  continue 
long,  nor  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood  to  go  unavenged,  Cayme 
himself,  the  author  of  this  cruel  deed,  suffering  the  same  kind  of 
death,  received  his  due  reward.3 

The  Marquis  fearing  the  breaking  in  of  the  enemy  in  the  night, 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

2  Nicholas  Sotherton  says  he  "  was  hanged  over  the  walls"  of  Mount  Surrey,  "  by  a 
wretched  Eebell,  one  Cayme  of  Bongeye,  although  there  would  have  bin  given  a  Cu  for 
his  life  ;"  so  also  Holinshed.  3  Nevylle. 

N   2 



commanded  the  porters  and  watchmen  on  the  walls  and  at  the  gates 
"  more  painefully  and  diligently  than  commonly  they  were  wont  "  1 
to  go  their  rounds.  Their  eyes  and  minds  being  thus  prepared,  it' 
peradventure  any  tumult  should  be  raised  in  the  night,  it  might  easily, 
with  their  help,  and  without  any  great  ado,  be  met  and  resisted.  All 
this  was  faithfully  performed,  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  soldiers 
watched  in  the  market-place,  where,  gathering  great  heaps  of  wood 
together,  they  set  them  on  fire,  lest  if  anything  should  happen  on  the 
sudden,  they  being  hindered  by  the  darkness  of  the  night  and  ignorance 
of  the  place,  might  be  encompassed  unawares  by  the  enemy. 

"  Sir  Edward  Ward  was  the  Knight  Marshall,  and  gave  the 
Watchword."  -  To  Sir  Thomas  Paston,  Sir  John  Clere,  Sir  William 
Walgrave,  Sir  Thomas  Cornwallis,  and  Sir  Henry  Bedingfield,  men  of 
approved  valour  and  wisdom,  divers  parts  of  the  City  were  intrusted, 
who  performed  their  duties  valiantly,  continually  going  from  one  part 
to  another,  encouraging  and  animating  the  men,  "  sometimes  with 
their  words,  sometimes  with  their  countenance,  sometimes  with  their 
own  travell  and  labour."  1  And  thus  by  their  wise  counsels  they 
strove  to  hinder  the  enterprises  of  the  rebels. 

All  things  having  been  done  to  their  liking,  the  Marquis  and  all 
his  company,  with  the  exception  of  those  just  mentioned,  to  whom  the 
defence  of  the  City  had  been  committed,  being  wearied  with  their 
three  days'  travel,  proposed  now  to  take  their  rest :  but  when  they 
were  "  in  their  sweete  sleeps,"  in  the  dead  of  night,  the  rebels,  as  if 
they  were  about  to  break  in,  discharged  their  ordnance,  and  uttered 
loud  outcries  :  the  cannon,  however,  did  no  great  harm,  either  because 
they  were  overcharged  in  the  loading,  or  the  unfaithful  hands  of 
the  gunners,  of  set  purpose,  levelled  them  higher  than  was  requisite, 
having  been,  as  is  thought  by  some,  bribed  to  do  so. 

These  proceedings  excited  such  alarm,  that  the  watchmen  on  the 
walls,  and  keepers  of  the  gates,  cried  often,  "  To  arms  !  To  arms  !  " 

When  "the  Eebellis"  had  "made  alarum  in  divers  parts  of  the 
Cittye,  the  seyd  Knight  Marshall  reysid  up  the  Lord  Lieuetenant  with 

1  Wood's  Translation.  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


his  Lords,  Knights,  and  others,  and  they  in  half  armour  "  l  proceeded 
to  the  market-place,  "  where  the  whole  power  was  in  rydenes "  till  the 
day  spring."  The  Deputy  was  sent  by  the  Marquis  and  Lord  Shef- 
field to  "  the  old  Lord  Weinford,3  to  Sr  Anthony  Denny e,  Sr  Rafe 
Sadler,  and  Sr  Richard  a  Lee,  sitting  in  a  stall  of  the  market,  whoe 
advysed  the  Tampering  up  of  divers  places,"  especially  on  that  side 
which  was  farthest  from  the  insurgents,  "  for  the  better  keeping  the 
Cittye  with  fewer  men."  l 

While  matters  were  in  this  state,  the  rebels  all  at  once,  as  a 
rushing  stream,  came  pouring  down  from  Household  with  confused 
cries,  and  entered  the  City,  where  some  proceeded  to  set  the  gates  4  on 
fire,  and  to  hew  them  down ;  others  to  climb  upon  the  walls;  some  to 
swim  across  the  river ;  many  to  pass  in  through  the  breaches  of  the 
old  walls.6  Northampton's  men  resisted  boldly,  repulsed  them 
valiantly  on  every  side,  manfully  drove  them  back,  and  with  pikes, 
arrows,  swords,  and  other  instruments  of  war,  put  them  to  flight ;  so 
that  the  force  of  their  incursions  by  little  and  little  being  broken,  they 
began  somewhat  to  waver  and  to  think  of  retreating.  The  fight 
was  fierce  on  both  sides ;  the  one  party  striving  to  force  their  way 
into  the  City,  and  the  other  doing  their  utmost  to  keep  them  out. 
Eor  the  space  of  about  three  hours  the  contest  lasted,  and  was  very 
fiercely  sustained  in  divers  parts  of  the  City ;  and  had  it  not  been  for 
the  valour  of  Paston,  Walgrave,  and  the  rest  of  the  gentlemen, 
together  with  "  the  exceeding  desire  of  our  men  to  fight  "  °  that  night, 
without  doubt,  would  have  seen  the  utter  destruction  of  the  Royal 
force.  The  spirit  of  Kett's  followers  was  such  that,  even  when  they 
had  fallen  down  deadly  wounded,  they  yet  would  not  give  over,  but 
half  dead,  "  drowned  in  their  own  and  other  men's  bloud,  even  to  the 
last  gaspe,  furiously  withstood  our  men.  Yea,  many  also  strooken 
thorow  the  brests  with  swords,  and  the.synewes  of  their  legs  cut 

1  Nicholas  Sothertoii.  2  /.  e.  "  readiness."  3  Lord  Wentworth. 

4  From  the  City  Chamberlain's  Aeeoiupts  (Appendix  I),  it  appears  that  the  gates 
most  injured  were  Pockthorpe,  Fybridge,  and  St.  Stephen's  gates. 
6  See  Appendix  (E),  Privy  Council  Eeg.  Edw.  VI.  vol.  ii.  p.  98. 
6  Wood's  Translation. 


asunder,  (I  tremble  to  rehearse  it,)  yet  creeping  on  their  knees,  were 
mooved  with  such  furie,  as  they  wounded  our  souldiers,  lying  amongst 
the  slaine  almost  without  life."  1  And  all  honour  to  them,  brave  men 
that  they  were,  worthy  of  the  cause  for  which  they  fought,  and  worthy 
of  a  better  fate  !  Opinions  may  be  divided  as  to  the  justness  of  their 
proceedings  in  taking  up  arms  ;  but  as  we  read  of  this,  and  similar 
displays  of  undaunted  courage,  we  cannot  but  admire  them,  and  give 
them  the  honour  so  justly  their  due.  At  length,  the  force  of  the 
enemy  abating,  the  soldiers  rushed  upon  them  with  such  violence, 
that  they  could  no  longer  abide  the  fight,  or  stand  to  resist;  but 
being  overthrown,  and  beaten  down  on  every  side  with  great  slaugh- 
ter (three  hundred  having  fallen),  they  were  driven  out  of  the  City, 
and  returned  to  their  Camp.  The  Marquis  lost  but  few  of  his  men, 
though  many  were  wounded.  "  The  rest  of  that  night  that  remained 
(and  there  remained  but  little)  they  gave  unto  their  rest."  l 

In  the  morning,  "  after  breakfast  at  the  Maydeshead,"  "  of  which 
it  is  just  possible  the  labourers  who  had  been  employed  rampiring  the 
Gates  "  till  viij  of  the  Clock  "  were  allowed  to  partake,  the  Deputy, 
"  seeing  Norrice  the  Harrold  with  a  Trumpetter  riding  through 
tomblond"3  was  exceeding  glad  to  find  that  this  was  in  consequence 
of  certain  citizens  having  signified  to  the  Marquis,  that  there  were 
many  in  Kett's  Camp  whose  fury  was  greatly  abated ;  that  these 
might  easily  be  persuaded  to  remember  their  duties,  and  being  weary 
of  the  insurrection,  to  desist  from  it ;  that  there  were  now  abiding  at 
Pockthorpe  Gates,  four  or  five  hundred4  men,  ready  "to  submit 
themselves  and  receive  the  King's  pardon ;" 5  and  that,  if  this  were 
offered  them,  they  would  most  probably  lay  down  their  arms,  and 
commit  themselves  to  the  King's  mercy. 

The  herald,  with  a  trumpeter,  being  joined  by  the  Deputy,  who 
"  was  glad  and  for  joy  went  with  them,"  5  came  speedily  to  Pock- 

1  Wood's  Translation. 

2  The  Maid's  Head,  opposite  St.  Simon's  Church,  still  so  called.  3  Tombland. 

4  Nevylle  says   "four   or  five  thousand;"    but  Sotherton,  whose  account  I   have 
followed,  "  iiij  or  v  c  persons." 

5  Nicholas  Sothertou. 


thorpe  Gates,  where,  to  their  surprise  they  found  no  one  waiting, 
"  neither  man,  woman,  nor  child."  l  The  herald,  however,  having 
caused  the  trumpet  to  be  sounded,  some  from  the  Camp  flocked 
down  the  hill,  and  amongst  them  one  John  Flotman  of  Beccles,  who 
came  as  their  leader.  Having  been  with  a  loud  voice  commanded 
to  stand,  he  straightway  inquired  what  the  matter  was,  and  why 
they  were  summoned  to  parley  by  the  sound  of  a  trumpet  ?  where- 
upon the  herald  answered  :— 

"  Go  thy  way  and  declare  unto  thy  company  from  the  Marquis 
of  Northampton,  governour  of  the  King's  forces,  that  the  King's 
Majesty  doth  command  and  admonish  them,  that  now,  at  length, 
they  repei^  and  put  an  end  to  the  outrages  they  were  committing : 
if  they  will  do  this,  they  shall  be  safe,  and  shall  by  his  clemency  be 
free  from  perill,  and  no  man  shall  be  charged  with  the  crimes  he 
may  have  been  guilty  of." 

Flotman,  being  joined  by  "  a  xxty  persons  more,"  l  since  he  was 
of  a  ready  tongue,  "  an  outrageous  and  busie  fellow,"  3  is  reported  to 
have  answered  in  a  proud  and  threatening  manner  : — 

"  With  regard  to  the  Marquis  of  Northampton,  he  thought 
nothing  of  him,  being,  as  he  was,  a  man  of  neither  courage,  counsel, 
nor  good  fortune ;  he  despised  and  mortally  hated  him,  as  infamous, 
worthless,  always  standing  in  need  of  others'  help,  and  as  one  guilty 
of  all  disloyalty  and  treason.  They,  for  their  parts,  had  always  been 
earnest  defenders  of  the  King's  safety  and  dignity,  and  would  ever  be 
ready  to  spend,  for  his  sake,  all  their  goods  and  fortunes.  They 
had  taken  arms,  not  against  the  King,  but  for  those  things  which 
they  hoped  would  be  hereafter  for  his  welfare  and  their  own : 
neither  were  they  convicted  by  their  consciences,  either  of  wickedness 
conceived  in  their  hearts,  or  of  treason  against  the  King.  Eor  what 
is  it  they  are  desirous  of  doing  ?  Is  it  not  to  defend  the  King's 
name  and  dignity ;  to  provide  for  the  common  safety ;  to  defend 
the  rights  of  law  and  liberty ;  to  preserve  themselves,  their  wives, 
children,  and  goods ;  and  finally  to  deliver  the  common-wealth, 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  Holinshed. 


vexed  in  many  ways  unjustly,  from  the  detestable  pride,  lust, 
and  cruelty  of  their  enemies  ?  Wherefore,  being  void  of  offence, 
so  ought  they  to  be  free  from  punishment.  A  gorgeous  herald,1 
emblazoned  with  gold^  had  made  to  them  of  late  certain  offers,  in 
appearance  excellent  and  magnanimous ;  but  this  was  undoubtedly 
done  in  order  that,  either  by  making  peace, — a  false  and  treacherous 
one  at  the  best, — he  might  restrain  their  endeavours  to  recover  their 
liberty  ;  or  else,  being  deprived  of  the  means  wherewith  they  were  now 
furnished,  and  so  shut  out  from  all  defence,  that  he  might  deliver 
them  up  to  a  cruel  death.  /Let  them,  therefore,  quoth  he,  that  have 
offended,  enjoy  the  impunity  promised  :  we  will  not  hinder  them 
from  so  doing :  while  defended  by  these  weapons,  and  our  own 
innocence,  \ve  feel  ourselves  perfectly  secure,  and  never  will  crave 
mercy  of  any  man.  The  common- wealth  is  now  almost  utterly 
overthrown,  and  is  daily  declining  through  the  insolence  of  the 
gentlemen  :  our  intention  is  to  restore  it  to  its  former  dignity,  out  of 
the  miserable  ruin  in  which  it  hath  so  long  been  lying :  and  either 
we  will  accomplish  this,  by  our  present  course  of  action ;  or  else,  as 
becomes  brave  and  high-spirited  men,  we  will  fight  boldly,  risk  our 
lives,  and,  if  it  be  so,  perish  on  the  battle-field.  Liberty  may  suffer 
much  at  the  hands  of  oppressors,  but  never  shall  her  sacred  cause 
be  betrayed  by  us." 

Scarcely  had  he  made  an  end  of  his  speech,  when  suddenly  a 
fearful  outcry  arose  in  the  City,  and  the  shout  was  heard,  "  To  arms  ! 
to  arms !  " — a  cry  heard  and  dreaded  by  all :  for  while  these  things 
were  taking  place  at  Pockthorpe  Gates,  the  rebels,  excited  by  "  des- 
perate rage  and  impudent  boldnesse," s  broke  in  at  the  Hospital 
Meadows,  destroying  and  wasting  as  they  went,  with  fire  and  sword. 

The  herald  hearing  of  this  rode  "  over  the  whyte  fryars  bridge" 

1  See  p.  73.     The  following  from  the  Privy  Council  Eegister,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  i.,  in- 
forms us  what  remuneration  the  herald  here  referred  to,  received  : 

"  Aug.  xx.  p.  567,  had  warrant  for  iiij1'  vis  viijd  to  York  officer  at  armes  for  his 
voyage  to  Norwych  about  the  pacifying  of  the  commons  assembled  there." 

2  Sotherton  says : — "  The  said  Floateman  answerid,  hee  defyde  the  Lord  Lieuetenant 
and  seid  hee  was  a  Traytour  nor  wulde  of  his  pardon,  nor  had  deservid  pardon,  but  that 
they  were  the  kings  true  subjects."  3  "Wood's  Translation. 


to  where  the  battle  was  raging,  "  and  the  seid  deputy  rode  another 
way  into  Tombelond  to  see  what  would  cum  of  ytt,  and  in  the  playne 
before  the  pallace  gate l  of  the  Bishop  the  Lord  Lieuetenants  souldiours 
fought  with  the  E-ebellis."  2  The  number  slain  is  variously  reported  : 
thus  King  Edward  says,3  the  Marquis  having  won  "  the  towne  of 
Norwich  kept  it  one  day  and  one  night  and  the  next  day  in 
the  morning  with  losse  of  100  men  departid  out  of  the  towne;" 
another  account2  is :  there  "  was  slayne  above  forty  persons  forthwith 
and  many  of  the  Lord  Lieuetenants  men  departid  sore  hurt :"  another  ;4 
"  In  all  that  conflicte  there  was  but  an  hundreth  on  both  sides  slayne  :" 
while  Nevylle  states  the  number  to  have  been  "  one  hundred  and  forty 
of  the  enemy  slain,  and  some  of  our  soldiers."  But  while  there  is  this 
uncertainty  as  to  the  actual  number  that  fell,  there  was  one  whose 
death  forms  a  most  painful  episode  in  these  troublous  times  :  viz., 
that  of  Lord  Sheffield,  whose  fate  was  lamented  and  pitied  by  all. 
It  is  recorded  of  him  that,  being  more  mindful  of  his  birth  and  rank 
than  of  his  safety,  and  desirous  of  performing  the  work  he  had  in 
hand,  he  fell  upon  the  thickest  of  the  enemy,  and  fighting  too  boldly 
and  carelessly,  by  chance  was  thrown  headlong  from  his  horse  into 
a  ditch  :  lying  here  at  their  mercy,  he  besought  them  to  spare  his 
life,  promising  them  a  great  reward,  and  declaring  his  name.  It 
was  all,  however,  of  no  avail,  for  one  named  Fulke  killed  him  with 
a  club.5  There  was  afterwards  no  little  contention  amongst  them- 
selves as  to  who  really  slew  his  lordship ;  and  so  sharp  was  it,  that 
they  came  almost  to  blows  ;  "  but  by  the  opinion  of  them  all,  Fulke i; 

1  This  gate  is  the  entrance  to  the  Bishop's  Palace.  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

3  King  Edward  the  Sixth's  Journal. — It  is  not  easy  to  determine  the  number,  as  it 
seems  to  have  been  either  200  at  first,  and  afterwards  altered  to  100 ;  or  the  contrary. 

4  Fox's  Book  of  Martyrs,  anno  1549. 

5  The  stone  that  marks  the  spot  where  Lord  Sheffield  fell,  lay  originally  at  the  corner 
of  the  Cupid  inn,  but  was  removed  some  few  years  ago  by  the  poor  man  living  at  the  ad- 
joining cottage,  to  where  it  now  lies. — Edward  VI.  says,  "  among  whom  [i.e.  the  slain]  ttorr 
•was  (sic)  the  L.  Sheffield  4iakui  piiMUlltfT  (sic)  was  slain :"  from  which  we  may  infer,  that, 
at  first,  the  report  was  Lord  Sheffield  was  taken  prisoner,  but  afterwards  it  became  known 
that  he  was  killed. 

6  Fulke  also  killed  "  Eobert  Wolvaston,  that  was  appointed  to  keepe  the  doore  of 
Christ's  Church,  taking  him  for  Sir  Edmund   Knevet." — Holinshed. 



carryed  away  the  praise,  which  openly  protested  (calling  God  to 
witnesse)  that  he  gave  him  his  deadly  wound  with  his  clubhe."  * 
Fulke  himself,  not  long  after,  met  with  his  just  reward  for  so  cruel 
a  deed,  being  "  hanged  in  the  tree  of  Reformacon."  '  The  death 
of  this  distinguished  man  had  the  effect  of  making  the  insurgents 
bolder,  and  "more  ready  to  warre;"  l  while,  on  the  other  side,  the 
hearts  of  the  soldiers,  being  sore  discouraged,  "  beganne  to  languish, 
insomuch  that  when  the  rebels,  puffed  up  with  exceeding  joy,  making 
a  mighty  alarme  on  every  side,  as  having  alreadie  gotten  the  victorie, 
rushed  into  the  City  (by  what  way  they  could  get  in),  following 
upon  our  men,  and  as  mortall  enemies  setting  upon  them,  they  being 
partly  over-charged  with  the  multitude,  (for  they  were  almost  twenty 
thousand,  and  ours  were  only  one  thousand  and  five  hundred,)  and 
(partly  strooken  with  the  death  of  this  noble  yong  gentleman)  went 
out  of  the  City,  and  (escaping  by  divers  journeys  through  by-waies, 
hiding  themselves  all  the  night  in  caves,  groves,  and  woods)  returned 
at  the  length  all  of  them  to  London."  l 

One  memorial  of  this  engagement,  the  Sheffield  Stone,  has  been 
already  mentioned ;  another  is  met  with  in  the  Parish  Register  of 
St.  Martin's  at  the  Palace : 

"  Dns  Sheffield  cum  xxxv  aliis  sepulti  fuere  primo  Augusti." 

"  The  Lord  Sheffield,  with  35  others,  were  buried  the  first  of  August."3 

The  following  items*  relate  to  Northampton's  "beyng  in  the 
Cyte :"— 

"  Payd  in  the  tyme  of  my  lord  Marqwes  beyng  in  the  > 
Cyte  for  stavys,  bolls,  sholvys,  plats,  Skynns,  Nayles,  I 
baskets,  mattocks  and  half  a  barrell  of  bere  at  the  >  ij  „  —  „  — 
cross  all  nyght  ther  and  for  pytch,  rosen,  tallowe, 
ropys,  wood  for  fyers  in  the  mket -J 

1  "Wood's  Translation.  ;  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

3  Sir  John  Cheeke,  in  his  "  Hurt  of  Sedition,"  says :  "  How  was  the  Lord  Sheffield 
handled  among  you  ?  a  noble  Gentleman,  and  of  good  services,  both  fit  for  counsel  in 
peace  and  conduct  in  war.  *  *  Te  slew  him  cruelly,  who  offered  himself  manfully  ; 
nor  would  not  spare  for  ransom  [him]  who  was  worthy  for  nobleness  to  have  had  honour ; 
and  hewed  him  bare,  whom  ye  could  not  hurt  armed ;  and  by  slavery  slew  nobility,  in 
deed  miserably,  in  fashion  cruelly."  4  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  304. 


"  Itm  for  caryeng  a  dede  horse  out  of  the  mket  w*  many 
other  Chargis  in  the  day  and  nyght  whose  particlers 
it  was  not  possybyll  to  wryght  nor  to  remedy  as  the  f  ~~  "  x3 
ty me  requeryd J 

"  Item  for  a  newe  rope  for  the  parcolas  of  Berstrete  Gats,1  )  —         • 

to  "Waller  ffrere 5 

"  Itm  to  Thorns  pye  for  fetchyng  therof  and  settyng  on...       —  „  —  ,•  iiij  " 
And  the  following  to  his  journey  thither  : 3 — 

"  xx.  Aug.  p.  566.  Mr.  Williams  had  warrant  for  vi1'  xviij8  to  John  Gates,  for 
cariadge  of  provisions  and  ordinance  in  the  voyage  of  the  Lord 
Marquis  of  Northampton  against  the  Eebelles  of  Norwych  by  a  bill  of 

The  first  act  of  the  Rebellion  being  thus  concluded,  it  may  not 
be  amiss  to  examine  briefly  the  charge  brought  against  the  City,  of 
being  "confederat  with  them."  s  Sir  John  Cheeke,  in  his  "Hurt 
of  Sedition :  how  grievous  it  is  to  a  Commonwealth ;  or,  The  true 
Subject  to  the  Rebel,"  anno  1549,  having  mentioned  the  double 
hindrance  that  rebellion  was  to  the  King,  "  letting  him  from  doing 
any  notable  fact  abroad,  and  also  suffering  not  him  quietly  to  enjoy 
his  own  at  home,"  proceeds  thus  : — 

"  But  herein  hath  notably  appeared  what  Cities  hath  faithfully 
served,  and  suffered  extreme  danger,  not  only  of  goods,  but  also  of 
famine  and  death,  rather  than  to  suffer  the  King's  enemies  to  enter : 
aud  what  white-livered  cities  hath  not  only  not  withstood  them,  but 
also  with  shame  favored  them,  and  with  mischief  aided  them.  And 
I  would  I  might  herein  praise  all  Cities  alike,  which  I  would  do  if 
all  were  like  worthy."  He  then  commends  Exeter  highly  for  having 
held  out  against  the  rebels  under  very  discouraging  circumstances ; 

1  This  had  probably  been  destroyed  during  the  night  attack  made  by  the  rebels, 
when  much  damage  was  done  to  the  city  gates. — City  Chamb.  Accompts,  p.  304J. 

"  Item  to  other  ij  men  y'  gathered  together  and  carryed  ^ 

to  the  guyld  halle  certen  yronworke  y'  was  fownde  !  -•  „ 

at  the  comon  stathe  and  at  dyvers  gats  of  the  Cyte  f 
y*  war  brent J 

-  Eegister  of  Privy  Council,  Edw   VI.  vol.  i.  p.  566.         3  Edward's  Journal. 

o  2 


"  Whose  example,"  he  continues,  "  if  Norwich  had  followed,  and 
had  not  rather  given  place  to  traitor  Kett,  than  to  keep  their  duty ; 
and  had  not  sought  more  safeguard  than  honesty,  and  private  hope 
more  than  common  quietness ;  they  had  ended  their  rebellion  sooner 
and  escaped  themselves  better.  *  *  *  *  And  although  this 
cannot  be  spoken  against  certain  honest  men  that  were  amongst 
them,  whose  praise  was  the  greater  because  they  were  so  few,  yet  the 
great  number  was  such,  that  they  not  only  obeyed  the  Rebel  for  fear, 
but  also  followed  him  for  love,  and  did  so  traitorously  order  the 
King's  band  under  my  Lord  Marquis,  that  they  suffered  more 
damage  out  of  their  houses  by  the  towns  men,  than  they  did  abroad 
by  the  Rebels.1  Whose  fault  as  the  King's  Majesty  may  pardon,  so 
I  would  either  the  example  might  be  forgotten,  that  no  City  might 
hereafter  follow  the  like;  or  the  deed  be  so  abhorred,  that  other 
hereafter  would  avoid  the  like  shame,  and  learn  to  be  noble  like 
Exeter,  whose  truth  doth  not  only  deserve  long  praises,  but  also 
great  rewards." 

Blomefield,  commenting  on  the  above,  says, — and  his  statements 
are  confirmed  by  Nevylle 2  so  far  as  he  mentions  the  behaviour  and 
proceedings  of  the  principal  citizens  :  In  this  great  calamity  (notwith- 
standing the  upbraiding  of  Sir  John  Cheke,  who  knew  little  of  the 
matter  only  by  hearsay),  the  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  principal  citizens, 
with  the  City  Clergy,  behaved  with  the  utmost  allegiance  to  the 
King,  and  the  greatest  prudence  for  the  safeguard  of  their  City  and 
Country ;  the  former  by  consulting  daily  what  was  best  to  be  done,  and 
the  latter  by  preaching  by  day  in  the  Camp  and  churches,  and  by 
watching  in  the  night  with  armour  on  their  backs ;  so  that  nothing 
that  belonged  to  them,  as  worthy  ministers  and  faithful  subjects,  was 
at  any  time  omitted :  so  far  were  they  from  deserving  that  unjust 

1  This  rests  only  on  Sir  John's  authority,  neither  Nevylle  nor  Sotherton  making 
any  mention  of  it. 

2  Thus  the  Mayor,  as  soon  as  they  came  towards  Norwich,  tried  by  money  and  fair 
promises  to  turn  them  from  their  enterprise ;  he  refused  to  allow  them  to  pass  through 
the  City ;  and,  if  permission  had  been  granted,  he  and  his  brethren  were  ready  to  act 
against  the  rebels. 


censure  of  Sir  John's,  that  it  was  not  the  principal  part  of  the  City 
that  were  for  the  Rebels,  but  only  the  refuse  of  it,  there  being  not 
one  (that  I  have  met  with),  of  any  figure  or  character,1  that  sided  with 
them,  though,  indeed,  there  was  a  great  number  of  the  populace 
that  favoured  them :  and  the  state  of  the  City  was  such  that  it  was 
not  in  the  power  of  the  magistrates  to  keep  the  City  against  them, 
as  Excester  did,  with  whose  conduct  Sir  John  upbraids  this  place; 
but  it  is  evident,  that  had  they  been  able  to  have  done  it  before,  they 
would  have  done  it ;  for,  upon  succours  coming,  they  immediately 
put  themselves  in  a  posture  of  offence,  till  which  time  it  was  impos- 
sible to  do  more  than  they  did,  which  was  to  stand  upon  the  point 
of  defence.  And  the  aforesaid  Author  exclaims  against  Norwich  in 
relation  to  the  affair  of  the  Marquis's  miscarriage,  and  justly  extols 
Excester  3  for  her  prowess ;  yet,  if  we  come  to  examine  things,  as 
we  shall  find  the  one  deservedly  praised,  so  shall  we  see  the  other 
as  undeservedly  and  unjustly  upbraided.  Excester  is  a  City  (if  I 
may  credit  the  accounts  we  have  of  it)  placed  on  a  hill  having 
a  castle,  the  site  of  which  is  eminent,  and  above  both  the  City  and 
country  adjoining,  for  they  do  all  lie  as  under  the  lee  thereof :  the 
City  is  strongly  ditched  and  walled  round,  and  is  not  easily  to  be 
gotten  by  force,  and  was  well  provided  with  cannon,  and  other 
weapons  of  defence :  on  the  contrary,  Norwich  is  like  a  great  volume 
with  a  bad  cover,  having  at  best  but  parchment  walls  about  it.  Nor 
can  it  with  much  cost  or  time  be  fortified,  because  under  the  frowning 
brow  of  Household  hill,  hanging  over  it,  the  river  Tare,3  so  wanton 
that  it  knoweth  not  its  own  mind,  which  way  to  go,  such  the  involved 

1  Sir  Nicholas  Lestrange  was,  however,  suspected  of  doing  so. — See  App.  (S). 

2  Having  spoken  of  Exeter  as  being  "  much  and  worthily  to  be  commended"  for  its 
resistance,  he  says  that  it  "  being  in  the  midst  of  Rebels,  unvictualled,  unfurnished,  un- 
prepared, for  so  long  a.  siege,  did  nobly  hold  out  against  the  continual  and  dangerous 
assaults  of  the  Eebels;  for  they  sustained  the  violence  of  the  Rebels,  not  only  when  they 
had  plenty  enough  of  victual,  but  also  11  or  12  days  after  the  extreme  famine  came  on 
them  ;  and  living  without  bread  were  in  courage  so  manful,  and  in  duty  so  constant,  that 
they  thought  it  yet  much  better  to  die  the  extreme  death  of  hunger,  showing  truth  to 
their  king  and  love  to  their  country,  than  to  give  any  place  to  the  Rebel  and  favour  him 
with  aid,  although  they  might  have  done  it  with  less  danger."        3  Not  Tare,  but  Wensum. 


flexures  thereof  within  one  mile  of  this  city,  runneth  partly  by,  partly 
through  it,  hut  contributeth  very  little  to  the  strengthening  thereof- 
Now,  what  could  a  weak  city  do  in  opposition  to  so  great  a  multitude 
possessed  of  such  a  hill  as  gave  them  not  only  a  large  prospect,  but 
a  full  command  over  it ;  and  being  neither  strong  by  art  nor  nature, 
and  quite  destitute l  of  any  number  of  cannons,  and  other  weapons 
of  defence,  could  be  in  no  capacity  to  make  any  resistance  ?  and 
therefore  it  had  been  as  imprudent  in  the  magistrates  here  to  have 
pretended  to  act  as  they  did  at  Excester,  as  it  was  prudent  in  them  ; 
and  as  to  the  miscarriage  of  the  Marquis  of  Northampton,  it  was  so 
far  from  being  occasioned  by  any  misconduct  of  the  citizens,  that 
it  was  only  their  misfortune  that  so  unfit  a  man  was  sent  to  their 
rescue,  he  being  more  acquainted  with  the  witty  than  the  warlike 
part  of  Pallas  (as  being  complete  in  music,  poetry,  and  courtship), 
and  so  few  succours,  and  many  of  them  Italians,  that  it  gave  the 
rebels  further  pretence  to  fill  the  country  with  complaints  that  these 
were  only  a  handful  of  an  armsful  to  follow,  driving  on  the  design 
to  subject  England  to  the  insolence  of  foreigners  :  for  though  neither 
wisdom  nor  valour  was  wanting  in  the  King's  soldiers,  yet  success 
failed  them,  being  too  few  to  defend  Norwich  and  oppose  the  rebels. 
What  was  1,500  soldiers  (for  there  were  no  more  of  the  English 
troops)  to  20,000  rebels  ?  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Sir  John  Russell, 
Lord  Privy  Seal,  a  person  of  a  stout  spirit,  proper  for  such  a  service, 
and  a  man  of  great  interest  in  that  country,  as  well  as  estate,  was 
sent  down  to  Excester,  with  a  convenient  power  of  men  of  war, 
both  on  foot  and  horseback,  and  two  bands  of  strangers;  a  power 
sufficient  to  engage  those  rebels,  who  were  only  about  10,000." 

The  truth  probably  lies  between  these  two  extremes,  the  citizens 
neither  deserving  the  reproaches  cast  upon  them  by  Cheeke,  nor  the 
praise  they  receive  at  the  hands  of  Blomefield :  if  the  rebellion  had 
been  crushed  speedily,  they  would  have  sided  with  the  "  Lord  Lieute- 
nant ;"  whereas,  Kett  being,  at  least  for  the  present,  triumphant,  we 
cannot  be  surprised  if,  in  the  confusion  that  ensued,  numbers  were 

1  Not  "  quite,"  but  "  nearly  destitute." 


disposed  to  think  favourably  of  his  cause,  and  to  avail  themselves,  by 
joining  him,  of  the  opportunity  now  offered  them  for  plundering,  and 
committing  other  excesses. 

The  following  letter,1  from  the  Lords  of  the  Council  to  the  Earl 
of  Shrewsbury,  shows  plainly  in  how  serious  a  light  this  commotion 
was  now  regarded. 

"  After  our  most  hartie  commendacons  unto  your  good  Lordship ; 
you  shall  understand  that  the  rebells  about  Norwiche,  in  Norff. 
remayninge  yet  still  in  their  obstinate  rebellion,  have  not  only  now  of 
late  refused  the  King's  Matc's  pdon,  but  also  made  themselfs  a  partie 
against  our  very  good  Lord  the  Marques  of  Northampton,  his  High- 
nes'  Lieutennt  there,  and  in  a  skirmishe  have  slayn  the  Lord  Sheffield, 
Sr  John  Cleere,  and  another  gentilman,  named  Cornwale's :  And 
albeit  ther  wer  a  farre  gretter  nomber  of  the  said  rebells  slayn  at  the 
same  tyme,  yet,  considering  that  by  this  begynning  they  seeme  to 
have  conceyved  a  courage,  lyke  as  we  have  given  order  here  for  ther 
chastisment  in  such  sort  as  we  trust  they  shalbe  a  terrible  example  to 
all  others  of  like  sorte,  yet,  to  be  in  a  suretie  in  all  events,  we  have 
thought  good  to  pray  your  Lordship  to  take  undelayde  order,  w'  as 
many  hable  horsemen  and  fotemen  w'in  the  King's  Mate'8  comission, 
wch  you  shall  receyve  herew',  as  may  be  conveniently  furnished ;  so 
as  they,  w*  such  Captaynes  as  you  shall  thinke  mete,  may  be  in  full 
redynes,  upon  one  houre's  warning,  to  marche  under  your  Lordship, 
either  towards  the  King's  Mate  or  otherways,  as  by  our  next  lettres 
shalbe  signified  unto  you.  And  so  we  byd  your  Lordship  most  hartely 
farewell.  From  Westm.  the  thirde  of  August  1549. 

"  Y'  Lordship's  assured  loving  frends, 



"  To  or  very  good  Lorde  th'  Erie  of  Shrewsberye. 

Hast  post,  hast  for  thy  lief,  lief.     Poste  of  Howard  Papers. 

Dancaster,  see  this  lre  delyvered." 

Lodge's  Illustrations,  vol.  i.  p.  133. 


The  City,  being  now  wholly  at  the  mercy  of  Kett,  the  wild 
passions  of  whose  followers  were  fearfully  excited  by  their  success, 
great  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  fled  out  of  the  City.  Men's  hearts 
were,  for  the  most  part,  smitten  with  fear  to  such  an  extent,  that  some 
having  their  minds  alienated  from  all  regard  for  their  goods,  or  for 
those  dear  to  them,  left  their  wives  and  children,  and  all  their  posses- 
sions, in  the  power  of  the  enemy ;  fleeing  "  in  theyr  doublets  and 
hosen,  and  some  in  theyr  lightest  garments  beste  "  adapted  for  ena- 
bling them  "  to  escape,  and  make  haste  away  :"  l  while  others,  what- 
soever gold,  silver,  plate,  or  household  stuff  they  possessed,  hid  it  in 
wells,  ponds,  and  other  secret  places,  "  that  it  might  not  bee  helping 
to  the  Rebellis  thereafter."  l  Terrible  indeed  was  that  day :  women 
and  children  crying ;  the  rebels  shouting  at  their  victory  ;  houses  in 
flames  and  falling  with  a  loud  crash  :  a  sad  day  was  that  for  the  good 
old  City  !  After  the  departure  of  the  Marquis,  fire  being  thrown 
upon  the  tops  of  the  houses,  most  of  which  were  thatched,  it  spread 
from  house  to  house,  and  from  one  street  to  another,  with  fearful 
rapidity,  till  in  a  short  time  it  had  consumed  very  many  houses  and 
other  buildings;  providentially,  much  rain  fell  just  at  this  time,  by 
which  the  fire  was  speedily  checked  and  hindered  from  spreading  so 
much  as  otherwise  it  might  have  done. 

To  add  to  the  horrors  of  the  scene,  numbers  from  the  Camp 
entered  the  City,  forced  their  way  into  the  houses  of  the  richer 
inhabitants,  plundered  them,  and  then  set  them  on  fire,  indulging 
recklessly  in  every  kind  of  excess.  Striking,  indeed,  is  the  picture 
Nevylle  draws  of  this  long-remembered  day  :  "  lamentable  and  miser- 
able was  the  state  of  the  City  at  this  time :  when  nothing  was  seene 
or  heard,  but  lamentation  and  weeping  of  those  that  were  vexed  and 
troubled :  and  contrary,  the  rejoycing  of  the  enemy,  the  weeping  of 
women,  the  crying  of  men,  and  the  noise  of  them  that  ran  about  the 
streets  :  then  the  clashing  of  weapons,  the  flames  of  the  burning,  the 
ruines  and  fall  of  houses,  and  many  other  fearefull  things  (which  that 
I  may  not  make  lesse  in  speaking),  I  willingly  let  passe,  which  so 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


filled  with  horrour,  not  onely  the  mindes,  and  eyes  of  the  beholders ; 
but  strooke  with  incredible  sorrow  the  hearts  and  eares  of  all  that 
heard  it."  l 

The  City  being  thus  in  their  power,  those  that  still  remained  in 
it,  shutting  their  gates  and  doors,  hid  themselves  in  the  most  secret 
parts  of  their  houses.  The  Mayor's  Deputy,  "  dowghtful  what  to  doe, 
entring  his  howse  and  finding  his  servants  departid  with  the  armie," 
the  last  to  go  being  one  of  the  Marquis's  attendants,  to  whom  was 
"  delyvered  a  payre  of  silver  flaggons  ;" — "  seeing  the  Citty  empty  of 
all  assistance,  and  every  man's  dore  shutt,  comfortlesse,"  and  feeling 
himself  reserved  to  see  his  country's  downfall,  without  any  to  advise 
or  help  him  in  this  hour  of  sore  trial,  with  a  heavy  heart  went  up 
alone  to  "  his  highest  Gallery  :"  looking  out,  he  saw  that  they  "  had 
set  ye  whole  bowses  in  the  streete  calld  Holmstreete  3  a  fyer  on  both 
sydes,  with  a  grett  part  of  the  Hospitall  bowses  of  office  that  longid s 
to  the  poore  in  that  howse,  and  allsoe  the  Cyttie  gates  called  Bishops 
gates  with  the  leade  thereof  molten,  and  the  gates  and  bowses  of  them 
of  pockthorpe,  Magdeline,  St.  Austens,  Coslney,  and  Berstret  gates  all 
on  fier  that  dale;"  and  thinking  it  probable,  after  having  brought 
destruction  upon  the  houses,  they  would  offer  violence  and  death  unto 
men,  he  shut  his  doors,  and  kept  himself  within  his  house.  On 
looking  towards  St.  Augustine's,  he  saw  "in  the  feilds  without, 
comming  with  a  drum  before  them  in  att  the  gates  a  greate  numbre 
of  Rebellis,  who  came  to  his  house  and  rappid,  and  cryde,  Set  fire  in 
the  gates ;"  which  some  beginning  to  do,  "  hee  being  greatly  afraide, 
(for  all  his  servants  were  fled  from  him,)  himselfe  alone  unshut  the 
gates ; 4  whom  presently  they  tooke,  and  plucked  off  his  gowne,  (which 
hee  used  at  that  time,)  calling  him  rebel,  and  threatning  him  a  most 
shameful  death,"  unless  he  would  tell  them  in  what  place  the 
Marquis  of  Northampton  was  hidden  ;  on  his  answering,  "  They  were 
departed,"  all  were  very  indignant,  and  rushing  with  much  violence 
into  his  house,  they  searched  "  every  hole  and  place,  and  found  none 

1  Wood's  Translation.        2  Now  Bishop-Bridge  Street.        3  I.  e.  "  belonged." 
4  Sotherton  says  :    "  The  said  depute  required  an  old  man  that  kept  the  gate  to 
open  the  Klyckett,"  or  small  door  in  the  gate. 



to  qualify l  their  fiercenes :"  after  they  had  done  this,  "  hee  was 
faine  to  give  them  the  whole  mony  in  his  purse  to  departe."  After- 
wards "  came  another  company  that  brake  open  his  shop  and  in 
burthens  carryed  away  "  whatever  was  therein,  "  tyll  one  Doo  of  theyr 
company,  a  servant  of  Mr.  Smith  of  Huntingfielde  had  sharply  told 
them  for  robbing  and  spoyling  they  all  should  be  hangid,  whereuppon 
many  of  theyr  fardles  3  were  cast  agen  into  the  shopp  :  whome  to 
ridde  was  fayne  to  bee  cutt  both  shirt  cloaths  and  doublet  cloths  of 
fustian,  and  given  them  to  save  the  rest :  and  after  theyr  departure 
came  another  company  to  have  spoyled,  had  not  the  seid  Doo  and 
three  or  foure  mor  kept  them  off,  saying  hee  was  spoyled  before."  '* 

In  like  manner,  many  of  the  citizens,  into  whose  houses  the  rebels 
had  entered,  under  pretence  of  seeking  the  Marquis  of  Northampton, 
were  utterly  robbed  of  all  that  they  had  :  this  was  more  especially  the 
fate  of  those  who  had  left  the  City,  the  insurgents  proclaiming  them 
rebels,  and  open  enemies  to  the  King's  Majesty ;  and  that  therefore 
their  goods  were  confiscated.  The  servants  of  those  who  had  fled,  in 
order  "  to  save  ye  rest  of  theyr  masters  goods  devisid,"  as  did  also 
some  of  the  citizens,  "  to  bake  bred,  and  to  rost,  and  to  bake  pasties 
and  to  give  it  unto  them  to  save  the  rest ;"  5  whereby  it  came  to  pass 
that  the  miserable  and  hungry  people  being  pacified,  they  were  some- 
what stayed  from  their  plundering.  Nevertheless,  very  many  sus- 
tained great  loss  and  injury ;  and  were  so  overcharged  with  the  great 
expenses  to  which  they  were  put,  that  ever  after  while  they  lived  (and 
many  live  at  this  day),6  they,  in  their  household  affairs,  fared  the 
worse.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  confusion,  thought  and  care  for  the 
future,  as  it  seemed,  came  suddenly  into  the  minds  of  the  rebels  : 

1  /.  e.  "to  justify:"    if  they  had  found  any  one  concealed,  it  would  have  been  a 
sufficient  justification  for  the  violence  they  were  using. 

2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

3  /.  e.  "  bundles."     An  interesting  use  of  the  word  is  met  with  in  Acts  xxi.  15, 
where  the  Genevan  version  has,  "  We  trussed  up  our  fardles." 

4  Nevylle  gives  the  above  very  briefly,  and  makes  it  appear  that  Augustine  Steward 
received  back  all  he  had  lost. 

5  Nicholas  Sotherton.  6  1575. 


wherefore,  desisting  from  violence,  they  began  to  think  of  their  own 
safety ;  and  commanded  the  Mayor's  Deputy,  and  the  chief  of  the 
City,  that  watch  and  ward  should  be  kept  by  the  citizens  every  day  at 
all  the  gates :  should  they  refuse  to  do  this,  they  threatened  them 
with  death  and  grievous  torments. 

"  And  now  began  the  Rebellis  againe  to  posses  the  Cittye,  and  to 
have  Aldermen  and  Constables  at  their  commandments,1  and  in  tyme 
of  raine  in  the  night  season  they  incamped,"  horrible  to  relate,3  "  in 
the  Cathedrall  Church,  callyd  Christs  Church  in  Norwich,  and  had 
the  rewle3  to  doe  what  them  listed,  and  kept  the  gates  themselves 
of  the  Cittye  wyth  the  prisons  and  other  places,  soe  that  they 
rewled  *  the  wholle,  and  would  command  men  by  howses  to  watch 
theyr  campe  and  gates  in  the  night,  which  both  many  men  and  theyr 
servants  then  att  home  were  feine  to  doe  untill  after  God  gave  the 
victory."  5 

The  rebels  having  Norwich  in  their  power,  and  anxious  to  win 
over  Yarmouth,  issued  the  following  commission :  ° 

"  Nicholas  Byron  our  commissioner  in  this  behalf.  Be  it  known 
to  all  men,  that  we  Robert  Kett  and  Thomas  Aldrich,  commissioners 
of  the  King's  camp  at  Moushold,  have  appointed  out  of  our  camp 
aforesaid,  one  hundred  of  men  to  return  from  us  to  Yarmouth,  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  King's  town  there  against  our  enemies. 

"  Also  we  do  certify  you,  that  we,  for  the  more  sufficient  and 
necessary  victualling  of  our  said  hundred  men,  do  appoint  Richard 
Smith,  Thomas  Clarke,7  and  John  Rotherham,  and  also  to  take  up 
horses  for  the  further  ay  ding  of  our  said  men. 

"  Dated  at  the  King's  Great  Camp  at  Moushold  the  5th  day 
of  August  in  the  3rd  year  of  the  reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  King- 
Edward  the  Sixth. 

By  me  ROBERT  KETT, 

1  I.  e.  "  command."  2  Nevylle.  3  I.  e.  "  rule."  4  /.  e.  "  ruled." 

4  Nicholas  Sotherton.  6  Swinden's  History  of  Great  Yarmouth. 

7  "  Thomas  Clerke"  was  one  of  the  Governours,  and  represented  the  Hundred  of 
Walsham. — See  Appendix  (0). 

p  2 


To  which  commission  and  commissioners  the  town  absolutely 
refused  compliance ;  whereby  they  were  more  incensed,  and  devised 
other  stratagems  to  surprise  it ;  which  the  town  understanding,  sent 
up  George  Millicent,  Gilbert  Grice,  and  John  Echard,  three  of  their 
principal  burgesses,  to  inform  His  Majesty  of  the  rebels'  proceedings, 
who  admitted  them  to  an  audience,  and  afterward  directed  his  letter 
to  the  town,  the  tenour  of  which  followeth  : — 


"  Well  beloved,  we  greet  you  well,  and  lett  you  wit  that  it  hath 
been  signified  unto  us  by  our  dearest  uncle  the  duke  of  Somersett, 
governor  of  our  person,  and  protector  of  our  realms,  dominions,  and 
subjects,  that  ye,  the  officers  of  our  town  of  Yarmouth,  have,  as  to  the 
duty  of  good  subjects  pertaineth,  imployed  yourselves  to  put  in  order 
of  defence  our  town  and  port  there,  against  such  our  unkind  and 
unnatural  subjects  of  those  parts,  as,  not  regarding  their  obedience, 
have  shewed  themselves  in  arms  against  us,  not  fearing  God,  who 
chiefly  of  all  precepts  admonisheth  of  obedience  of  subjects  to  their 
sovereign  lord,  have,  as  much  as  in  them  lyeth,  given  liberty  to 
foreign  enemies  to  attempt  their  malice  by  invasion  of  this  our  realm 
of  England  and  other  dominions,  which  hitherto  have,  by  the  good 
subjects  of  the  same,  been  most  valiantly  defended,  and  further  by 
their  unkindness  forced  us,  contrary  to  our  nature,  to  divide  ourself, 
being  head,  from  our  own  members,  yea  to  consent  that  one  part 
should  destroy  the  other,  to  preserve  thereby  the  state  of  a  king  with 
the  kingdoms  and  dominions  left  unto  us  by  God,  and  most  just  title. 
These  members  joined  and  united  together,  by  the  direction  and 
order  of  the  head,  might  have  been  a  full  and  perfect  strength 
and  puissance  to  have  resisted  or  invaded  any  outward  enemy 
whatever,  which  by  the  oneration  of  division  at  home  hath  not 
only  taken  from  us  all  opportunity  to  follow  our  intire  and  good 
proceedings  in  Scotland,  besides  the  consumption  here  of  our  treasure 
and  victual,  whereof  the  multitude  have  and  shall  find  lack,  but 
also  maketh  us  and  our  said  realms  and  dominions  an  open  prey 
and  ravin  to  whomsoever  list  to  take  advantage  of  them.  Wherefore 


like  as  provoked  hereunto  by  these  with  whom  no  admonition  nor 
clemency  can  prevail  to  acknowledge  their  duties,  we  have  resolved 
to  address  down  a  main  force  very  shortly  in  the  order  of  our 
said  uncle,1  and  by  him  to  weed  and  try  out  our  good  subjects 
from  the  evil,  to  minister  ayde  and  comfort  to  the  one,  and  con- 
trariwise to  extend  the  rigour  .and  extremity  of  our  sword  to  the 
other.  So  for  the  particular  favour  and  tender  zeal  wee  bear 
unto  you,  our  good  subjects  of  that  town,  having  been  pleased  to 
grant  the  fruition  of  our  royal  presence  to  such  as  come  hither 
from  you :  we  have  thought  good  by  advice  of  our  said  uncle,  to 
make  you  partakers  of  our  said  favour  by  these  our  special  letters, 
by  which  rendering  unto  you  condign  thanks  for  the  service 
already  ministred  unto  us,  We  will  and  exhort  you  so  to  con- 
tinue by  the  gard  of  our  town,  that  at  the  coming  of  our  said 
uncle,  both  he  may  be  able  to  report  unto  us  the  further  continuance 
of  your  service,  and  besides  find  cause  further  to  relieve  and  help 
you,  as  occasion  upon  his  arrival  shall  require.  Given  under  our 
signet  at  our  palace  of  Westminster,  the  sixth  of  August,  in  the 
third  year  of  our  reign. 


"  To  our  well  beloved  the  deputies  to  the  bailiffs 
of  our  town  of  Yarmouth,  and  to  the  rest  of 
our  good  and  obedient  subjects  there." 

The  reason  of  the  above  direction  was,  because  the  King 
and  his  ministers  had  intelligence  that  the  bailiffs  of  Yarmouth 
were  detained  in  the  insurgents'  camp :  they  had  been  so,  but 
had  escaped  before  this  letter  was  received. 

The  chiefs  pretended  to  be  executors  of  justice  between  man 
and  man,  and  to  be,  as  it  were,  lords  spiritual  and  temporal; 
and  directed  their  letters  mandatory  accordingly,  as  is  manifest 
by  the  following  : — 

"  Nicholas  Pen 2  and  Thomas  Gardiner  we  commend  us  unto 
you,  desiring  you  in  God's  behalf,  and  for  the  discharge  of  your 

1  It  was  at  first  intended,  after  Northampton's  defeat,  that  Somerset  should  go  against 
the  rebels.  2  Qne  of  the  bailiffs. 


own  conscience  to  go  through  with  this  bringer,  for  all  such  legacies, 
as  be  due  to  him  by  the  death  of  his  uncle,  and  if  you  shall  refuse  to 
do  this,  there  will  be  found  means  to  bring  you  hither  before  us  by 
complaint  to  your  great  shame. — Prom  Moushold  this  viij  of  August. 

By  us     ROBERT  KETT 
and       THOMAS  ALDRICH." 

Another  Commission. 

"  We  do  require  you,  and  in  the  King's  name  do  straightly 
charge  you  John,  of  Great  Yarmouth,  that  you  do  repair  home,  and 
bring  with  you,  with  as  much  speed  as  may  be,  a  last  of  beer, 
to  maintain  your  poor  neighbours  withal,  and  if  any  man  disturb 
or  lett  you,  in  this  business,  he  shall  suffer  imprisonment  of  body. 
— From  Household  this  tenth  of  August. 

By  me     ROBERT  KETT, 
By  me    THOMAS  ALDRICH." 

But  as  none  of  these  orders  were  complied  with,  they  deter- 
mined to  storm  the  town,  and  compel  the  inhabitants  to  surrender 
at  discretion.  To  this  end  a  large  body  of  the  insurgents,  having 
made  themselves  masters  of  Lothingland,  procured  six  pieces  of 
ordnance  from  Lowestoft,  and  brought  them  to  a  close  at  the 
north  end  of  Gorleston,1  intending  to  batter  the  town  from  thence ; 
which  being  perceived,  a  party  of  townsmen  were  privately  detached 
to  set  fire  to  a  large  stack  of  hay  on  the  west  side  the  haven, 
which  being  duly  executed,  raised  a  prodigious  smoke,  and  the 
wind,  being  northerly,  drove  the  said  smoke  directly  upon  the  face 
of  the  enemy,  which  so  blinded  them,  that  they  did  not  perceive 
the  Yarmouth  men  coming  upon  them ;  whereby  many  of  the 
rebels,  being  unprepared,  were  slain,  and  thirty  taken  prisoners, 
who,  with  the  six  pieces  of  ordnance,  were  immediately  brought 
to  Yarmouth,  and  confined  in  close  hold. 

The  rest,  being  exceedingly  irritated  by  the  above  disaster, 
dared  to  approach  the  very  walls  of  the  town,  and  to  destroy  as  much 

1  Now  called  Southtown. 


as  possible  all  the  materials  provided  for  the  new  haven,1  then  in 
making  across  the  Denes  near  the  south  gate,  to  which  they  did 
irreparable  damages ;  but  being  driven  thence  by  the  ordnance  ~ 
from  the  walls  and  mounts,  they  fled,  and  never  appeared  about 
the  town  afterwards. 

The  Commissioners'   Orders  for  defending  the  Town  against  the  Rebels, 
VJth  August,  1549.3 

"  First,  that  the  Dragon  shall  ride  between  the  town  and  the  new  haven  of  the 

town,  and  three  doggers  with  her. 
"  Item,  That  the  Eose  Lion,  and  the  rest  of  the  doggers,  shall  ride  in  the  north 

end  of  the  town. 

"  Item,  The  rest  of  the  fleet  shall  ride  in  the  midst  of  them  against  the  town. 
"  Item,  The  small  pinnace  to  go  up  to  Waybridge,4  being  victualled  for  four 

days,  having  twenty-six  men  in  her. 
"  Item,  At  Bokenham  Ferry  the  broderers,5  with  certain  men,  and  one  small 

boat  with  her. 
"  Item,  To  scour  the  country  thirty  horsemen  with  pikes,  twelve  half  hacks,6 

eighteen  bowmen. 
"  Item,  To  be  appointed  in  the  eight  wards  so  many  captains,  and  petty  captains 

under  them  of  their  own  choice,  over  and  besides  the  constables,  and  one 

more  that  shall  be  appointed  by  the  bailiffs,  that  is  practised  for  the  setting 

in  order  of  the  same. 

1  In   an   address   to    Queen   Elizabeth's   "  most  honorable  privy  counsayle,"  the 
authorities  claimed,  on  the  one  hand,  credit  for  the  boldness  with  which  they  had  resisted 
the  above  attacks,  and,  on  the  other,  aid  to  remedy  the  injuries  the  town  had  consequently 
received :  "  The  said  Kett  with  his  rebelles  made  attempt  to  take  that  towne  for  their 
hold,  which  the  inhabitants  of  that  towne  would  in  no  wise  permit,  or  consent  unto,  but 
kept  the  towne  for  the  kinges  majesty  according  to  their  allegeance,  albeit  Kett  and  the 
rebelles  besieged  it,  summoning  and  threatening  it  with  fier  and  sworde ;  nevertheless 
the  said  townsmen  not  onlye  kepte  them  out  but  drave  them  awaye,  and  toke  certain 
greate  ordinance  from  them,  which  they  had  gotten  from  Leistofte  and  other  places  ;  and 
also  they  did  slea,  kille  and  wounde  many  of  the  said  rebelles :  the  which  thinge  the  said 
rebelles  did  revenge  upon  the  said  towne  of  Yarmouth  by  spoyling  the  workes  of  their 
haven,  and  stoppinge  yt  up  in  the  night  tyines." —  Sieinden's  History  of  Great  Yar- 
mouth, p.  446. 

2  A  demi-cannon  shot  from  the  mount  at  the  market-gate  did  great  execution.— 
Swinden.  3  Swinden. 

4  Acle  Bridge,  on  the  Bure,  nearly  a  mile  east  of  Acle,  is  called  in  all  legal  docu- 
ments "Weybridge. —  White's  Norfolk  Directory  :  Acle. 

8  Probably  "the  borderers."  6  I.  «•  " short  hand-guns." 


"  Item,  That  every  constable  shall  learn  to  know  in  his  ward  what  townsmen 
are  now  in  the  camp,  and  thereof  to  certify  the  bailiffs  of  the  same  town ; 
and  further  to  certify  the  names  of  such  as  they  shall  perceive  to  speak  any 
rebellious  words,  as  well  men  as  women,  and  also  to  give  knowledge  how 
many  of  the  rebels  wives  be  in  the  camp,  and  how  many  be  at  home." 

Of  all  which  proceedings  the  town,  from  time  to  time,  sent 
up  messengers  to  certify  the  Lords  of  the  Council,  from  whom 
they  received  further  instructions  to  direct  them  in  this  important 
business ;  there  being  at  that  time  joined  to  them  in  special  com- 
mission Thomas  Cleere,  Knt.,  and  Thomas  Wodehouse,  Knt. ;  as  by 
another  letter  sent  them  by  the  then  Lord  Treasurer  of  England 
doth  appear : — 

"  After  right  hearty  commendation.      I  have  perceived  by  this 
bearer,  and  also  by  your  letter  written  to  my  lords,  that  you  have 
entered  the  town  of  Yarmouth,  and  be  in  good  trust  to  continue  the 
same  for  the  king,  and  how  that  you  have  given  order  to  the  Iceland 
fleet  for  their  fish,  which  things  be  very  well  done,  and  so  is  your 
search  made  for  the  stay  of  the  passage  next  to  the  rebels ;   the  doing 
whereof  requireth  to  be  wisely  handled  for  danger  of  yourselves,  or 
some  of  yours,  and  therefore  have  good  espials  before  you  for  your 
good  proceedings,   and   go  strongly  to  the  same  when  you  go,  and 
so  do  all  that  you  may  for  the  defence  of  the  town,  and  the  said  ferry ; 
and  as   you  confer  by  secret  means  with  my  lord  Wentworth   and 
Mr.  Vice  Chamberlain  for  the  stay  of  Suffolk  side,  so  I  think  good  that 
you  give  knowledge  to  the  lord  of  Warwick  of  your  proceedings,  and 
desire  his  advice  in  the  same,  and  do  what  he  shall  further  advise 
you.     And  if  at  any  time  you  shall  perceive  you  shall  be  needy  of 
more   help,   then  take   more   strength   to   you  whatsoever  you   do, 
and  doubt  not  but  your  well  doing  shall  at  all  times  comfort  the 
lords  to  keep  you  from  great  loss,  and  from  any  new  charge  to  be 
imposed  upon  you,  and  to  give  you  thanks  for  your  effectual  travel. — 
Written  the  19th  August,  1549.  Your  friend 


"  To  my  loving  friends,  Sir  Thomas  Cleere,  knt.  and 
Sir  Thomas  Wodehouse,  knt.  be  this  delivered 
at  Yarmouth  in  hast 
hast     hast     hast     post  hast     hast." 


The  following  "  depositions"  l  show  that  an  attempt  was  made  in 
Essex  to  excite  a  favourable  feeling  towards  the  Norfolk  insurgents ; 
but  with  what  success  does  not  appear. 

"  Colchester.  Deposicions  there  taken  the  Seventh  day  of  August,  in  the  Third 
yere  of  the  Eeigne  of  our  Soveraigne  Lord  Kyng  Edward  the  Sixth  by  the 
grace  of  God  Kyng  of  yngland,  fraunce,  and  yreland  Defender  of  the  feyth 
and  in  erth  under  God  of  this  Chirche  of  yngland  and  yreland  the  Soveraine 
hede,  before  Benjamvn  Clere  and  Bobert  Flyngant  bayllies  of  our  said 
Soveraigne  Lord  the  Kyng  of  hia  graces  auncyent  borough  and  towne 
of  Colchester  in  Essex. 

"  Wyllyam  Browne,  of  Colchester,  draper  and  teyllor  Sr  Eoger  Peerson  of 
Colchester  priest  Sr  John  Kobynson  priest  parson  of  Tadeston  in  Suif. 
Eichard  Kent  of  Sturton  in  Suff.  were  sworne  and  examyned  the  day 
aforeseid  before  the  said  bayllies  at  Colchester  deposen  and  seyen  that  all 
they  were  at  Supper  the  last  nyght  in  the  howse  of  the  aforeseid  deposed 
"Wyllyam  Browne  at  whiche  tyrue  there  was  wyth  them  at  the  seid  supper 
one  Sr.  John  Chaundeler  parson  of  Alswiththorp  2  in  Norfolk  nere  to  lynne. 
whiche  seid  Sr  John  Chaundeler  emonge  sondry  and  dyvers  woords  then 
and  there  seyd,  I  wolde  the  towne  of  Lynne  and  all  the  Gentylmen  there 
were  on  fyre. 

"  Itm  more  he  seyd,  that  there  was  vi  posts  sent  from  their  campe  unto  the 
Kyngs  Councell  and  never  one  of  them  could  come  to  the  seid  Kyngs 

"  Itm  he  more  seyd,  that  there  is  in  nomber  of  men  at  Norwyche  Campe  vi  score 

"  Itm  he  more  seyd,  that  the  Gentylmens  Servants  of  Lynne  went  abrode 
and  killed  poore  men  in  their  harvest  werk  and  also  kylled  women  there 
wyth  chyld. 

"  Itm  he  more  seyd,  that  he  mett  at  Bury  to  the  nombre  as  he  thought  vij 
thousand  of  the  townes  of  Bury  Hadley  Langham  Brendon3  Ely  w*  other 
townes  thereabout,  and  more  seyd  where  as  there  is  one  man  I  wold  there 
were  ten  men. 

"  Itm  more  he  seyd,  one  Capteyne  Buntyng 4  like  a  false  knave  layd  his  hatt 
downe  by  a  well  side  and  we  there  thought  he  had  bene  drowned,  and  at 
the  same  tyme  he  fled  into  Lynne  and  at  his  cummyng  they  shott  a  pele  of 
Gonnes  and  there  he  is  styll  remayning." 

1  Lansdowne  MSS.  ii.  75. 

*  Allthorpe  or  Alethorpe  seems  to  be  the  place  meant ;  but  (?)       3  Brandon  Ferry. 
4  "  Eobert  Bunting  of  Snettisham,"  as  he  is  called  in  a  letter  from  "  Thomas  Hussey 
to  Win.  Cecill."— State  Paper  Office— Domestic,  Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  45«. 



In  the  meanwhile,  the  Mayor's  Deputy  and  others  "procured 
Dr.  Barret  a  preacher,  and  other  preachers  to  goe  up  among  the 
rebells,  and  preach  Gods  word.  Which  notwithstanding  helpid  not 
att  all  for  soe  impudent  were  they  and  out  of  ordre,"  l  that  no -one 
could  restrain  them.  At  this  trying  time  the  women,  moved  by  the 
slaughter  they  had  witnessed,  tried  to  induce  them  to  have  compassion 
upon  them,  their  husbands,  and  their  children;  to  remember  that 
they  were  men  themselves  ;  and  that,  whatever  ills  they  had  suffered, 
they  had  now  obtained  ample  satisfaction ;  and  to  lay  aside  those 
violent  and  angry  feelings  which  must,  in  the  end,  bring  ruin  upon 
them  all.  Neither  threatenings,  however,  nor  the  counsel  of  the  wise, 
"  nor  flattering  prayers,  nor  any  thing  else  could  restraine  them  from 
so  great  rage  of  villanie  :" a  "  there  was  noe  hope  that  any  Cytezin 
looked  for  to  enjoy  his  owne :  such  as  had  trusty  servants  causid  theyr 
goods,  bonds,  stuffe  and  mony  to  bee  made  up  in  wallis  and  sellers,3 
for  that  they  looked  with  fire  to  bee  consumed :  the  masters  them- 
selves in  many  placis  was  feine  to  bee  "  concealed  "  in  false  rovis4  and 
other  secret  placis,  lest  if  they  had  been  taken  prisoners,  as  other 
Gentlemen  were,  they  shuld  bee  dryven  to  Rebell."  * 

As  it  was  now  very  evident  that  this  Rebellion  could  only  be 
suppressed  by  force,  "  the  King  sent  into  Lincolnshire  and  other  placis 
of  the  Realme,  and  mustridd  6  and  toke  up  a  greate  numbre  of  soul- 
diours  and  allsoe  sent  for  divers  Lauuce  Knights  and  other  strangers 
to  make  a  power  to  suppres  the  seide  Rebells."  l  The  command  was 
at  first  given  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  as  appears  from  the  following 
proclamation  : 

"  EDWARD  6  By  the  King. 

"  Trustie  and  right  well  beloved  we  grete  you  welle.  And 
whereas  oon  Ket 7  a  Tanner  supported  by  grete  nomebre  of  vile  and 
idell  personnes  hath  taken  upon  hym  our  royall  power  and  Dignitie, 
and  calleth  hymselfe  master  and  kyng  of  Norff.  and  Suff.  withe  dero- 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.        2  Wood's  Translation.         3  I.  e.  "  walls  and  cellars." 

4  /.  e.  "  roofs."  5  i  e-  «  mustered." 

6  The  king's  name  is  not  written,  but  printed  from  a  stamp.          7  /.  e.  "  one." 


gacion  of  our  Imperial!  crowne  and  majestie  and  not  contente  to 
perswade  our  Subjects,  whom  we  were  well  contented  to  receyve  to 
our  mercie,  to  refuse  our  most  gracious  pardon,  but  causeth  also  a 
grete  nombre  of  our  honest  and  good  subjects  to  followe  and  ayde  bym, 
and  so  continueth  the  rebellyon  in  most  vile  sorte,  kyllyng,  spoylyng, 
and  kepyng  in  fetters  and  chaynes  gentelmen,  servingmen,  yeomen, 
and  fermers,  and  other  honest  men,  who  have  regarde  of  their  faythe 
and  Dutie  unto  us,  robbyng  Ladies  and  Widdowes  houses,  sekynge 
nothinge  but  spoyle  and  subversion  of  us  and  the  good  estate  of  the 
realme  :  "We,  have  appointed  our  most  entierly  beloved  Uncle  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,  governor  of  our  person  and  protector  of  our  realmes, 
dominions,  and  subjects,  with  an  army  Royall  to  go  agaynst  them,  and 
with  Goddes  helpe  to  subdue  them  to  the  terror  of  all  others,  whome 
lyke  as  we  have  appoynted  to  march  forwardes  with  all  spede  possible, 
So  havyng  reposed  a  speciall  trust  and  confidence  in  your  good  tower- 
denes  and  redynes  to  serve  us,  we  have  appoynted  you  to  give  your 
attendance  upon  our  said  Uncle,  and  therfore  do  wille  and  requier  you 
immediatly,  upon  the  sight  hereof,  with  all  spede  to  put  your  selfe  in 
arredynes1  with  an  hundreth  hablemen,  or  so  many  mor  as  ye  are  able 
to  make  and  maye  trust  unto  of  your  servauntes,  tenantes,  and  fryndes, 
well  furnyshed  with  armour  and  weapon,  whereof  so  many  to  be  dymy- 
lances  or  lyght  horsemen,  as  ye  can  furnyshe,  with  able  and  good 
horses  and  other  convenient  furnyture,  to  be  at  our  Towne  of  Waldon 
in  our  Countie  of  Essex  the  xvijth.  daye  of  this  present  moneth  at  the 
furthest ;  at  which  tyme  and  place  ordre  shalbe  gyven  for  the  bryngyng 
of  them  thether  to  your  contentation,  requiring  you  not  to  fayle  as  yc 
tender  our  pleasure,  and  will  answer  for  the  contrary  at  your  perilles. 
Given  under  our  signet  at  our  pallayce  of  Westminster  the  xth.  of 
August  the  thirde  yere  of  our  Raign. 

P.    SOMERSET."5 

For  some  reason,  Somerset  did  not  accept  the  command  thus 
intrusted  to  him,  and  it  was  given  to  John  Dudley,3  Earl  of  Warwick, 

1  I.  e.  "  a  readiness."  2  Cotton  MSS.  Vespasian,  F.  iii.  37.     Original. 

3  John  Dudley  was  the  son  of  Edmund  Dudley,  so  well  known,  with  his  colleague, 
Bichard  Empson,  as  the  rapacious  minister  of  Henry  VII.     The  first  we  hear  of  him, 

Q  2 


"  a  man  of  great  nobility  and  marvellous  courage ;" l  whereupon  the 
following  proclamation  was  issued  : 

"  A  Proclamation  for  Gentlemen  to  repaire  to  theire  Severalt 
dwellings  of  Essex,  Suff.  and  Norff. 

"  The  Kings  Majestic  by  the  advice  of  his  most  entirelie  beloved 
uncle  the  Lord  Protector  and  the  rest  of  his  hignes  Counsell  straightlie 
chargeth  and  commandeth  all  Gentlemen  of  what  estate,  degree  or 
condicion  soever  they  be,  who  hath  their  habitacion  and  dwelling  in 
Essex,  to  depart  from  the  Court  of  the  Cittie  of  London,  and  other 
places  neare  unto  them,  into  their  severall  habitacions  in  the  said 
County  of  Essex,  with  all  convenient  speed,  there  to  remaine  till  they 
shall  knowe  further  of  the  king's  majesty's  pleasure.  Likewise  such 
Gentlemen  as  hath  their  habitacions  and  dwelling  in  Suffolke,  to 
depart  into  their  said  habitacions  in  Suffolke,  and  there  to  remaine 
untill  such  time  as  they  shall  have  commaundement  from  the  King's 
Majestic,  or  from  the  Earle  of  Warwicke.  And  further  that  all  Gentle- 
men, Inhabitants  of  Norff.,  doe  repaire  to  the  said  Earle  of  Warwicke, 
so  that  they  be  with  the  said  Earle,  to  attend  uppon  him  in  the  Kings 
majesties  Armye,  in  his  Conduct  and  leading  for  his  highnes  better 

after  his  father's  attainder  had  been  repealed  (3  Henry  VIII.)  ia  his  receiving  the  honour 
of  knighthood  from  Charles  Brandon,  Duke  of  Suffolk,  general  of  the  array  sent  into 
France  against  the  Duke  of  Bourbon.  He  was  created  Viscount  L'Isle,  12th  March, 
1542,  and  the  same  year  was  appointed  Lord  Admiral  of  England  for  life.  In  this 
capacity  he  displayed  great  gallantry,  and  did  good  service  against  France  and  Scotland. 
On  the  accession  of  Edward  VI.  "  The  L.  Lisle  was  mad  [i.  e.  made]  erle  of  Warwic  and 
the  Lord  Great  Chamberlainship  was  gieven  to  him." — (Edward  the  Sixth's  Journal.) 
Through  his  intrigues  the  quarrel  arose  between  the  Protector  Somerset  and  his  brother, 
Lord  Thomas  Seymour,  which  terminated  in  the  public  execution  of  the  latter.  On  the 
llth  October,  1551,  he  was  created  Duke  of  Northumberland.  Having  succeeded  in 
bringing  about  the  condemnation  and  death  of  Somerset,  his  next  step  was  to  induce  the 
King  to  sign  and  seal  a  patent  conferring  the  succession  upon  Lady  Jane  Grey  (eldest 
daughter  of  Henry,  Duke  of  Suffolk,  by  Mary,  Queen  Dowager  of  France,  and  sister  of 
King  Henry  VIII.),  the  wife  of  his  son,  Lord  Guildford  Dudley.  His  subsequent 
efforts,  after  the  decease  of  Edward  VI.,  to  establish  this  patent  by  force  of  arms  proving 
abortive,  he  was  arrested,  upon  a  charge  of  high  treason,  at  Cambridge,  and,  being  con- 
demned, was  beheaded  on  Tower  Hill,  22nd  August,  1553.— Burke's  Extinct  Peerages. 
1  "Wood's  Translation. 


service  uppon  Satturdaie  next  followinge  or  Sundaie  at  the  furthest. 
And  his  said  Majestic,  by  the  advice  aforesaid,  most  straightlie 
chargeth  all  persons  to  whome  it  maie  appertaine,  to  followe  and 
execute  with  all  convenient  speed  and  dilligence,  uppon  paine  of  his 
highnes  indignacion  and  displeasure.  Providede  allwaies,  and  his 
highnesse  nevertheles  doth  signifie,  that  by  this  present  proclamacion 
it  is  not  his  Majesties  minde  that  anie  such  gentlemen,  as  be  of  the 
ordinaires  of  his  highnes  chamber  or  houshould,  should  depart  or  goe 
home.  But  that  they  shall  give  theire  attendance  uppon  his  highnes 
here  in  the  Courte,  as  heretofore  they  were  commanded,  anie  thing 
in  this  present  proclamacion  notwithstanding. 

"  Given  the  xvith.  of  August  in  the  third  yeare  of  his  highnes 
Raigne." l 

Upon  learning  that  he  had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  army  raised  for  suppressing  the  Norfolk  rebels,  Warwick  wrote 
the  following  letter,  in  which  we  find  this  proud,  ambitious  man, 
displaying  such  humility  and  consideration  for  others,  as,  but  for 
the  existence  of  this  document,  no  one  would  have  believed  him 
capable  of: 


"  Gentyll  master  Cecille  :  after  my  very  harty  commendacions  for 
your  frendly  lettre  occurrante,  perceving  how  we  stand  now  with  the 
ifrench,  which  in  my  opynyon  ys  better  for  us  than  under  theyr 
colloured  frendship  use  us  as  yvell  as  now  they  can  it  being  open  war. 
Wisshing,  if  it  were  the  wyll  of  God,  that  we  had  no  more  to  deale 
with  all  at  ones.  But  syns  yt  ys  thus,  we  must  pull  uppe  our  hartes, 
and  putt  our  confydence  in  the  Lorde.  And  whereas  with  your  lettre 
I  received  a  comyssion  in  the  which  yt  aperith  that  I  am  apoyntyd 
to  have  the  leading  of  the  sheres  of  Cambridge,  Bedford,  Hontington, 
Northampton,  Norffolk  and  Suffolk,  for  the  which,  like  as  I  do  think 
my  selfe  most  bounden  to  my  lordes  grace  and  the  Councell  for 
inhabling  me  to  receyve  so  grete  a  charge,  so  I  cannot  but  wishe  that 
yt  might  please  the  same  to  permytt  and  suffer  my  lord  Marques  of 

1  Cotton  MSS.,  Titus  B.  ii.  4.      This  is  not  the  original  document,  but  only  a  copy. 


Northampton  to  contynew  styll  in  the  force  of  his  Commission,  or  at 
the  lest  renewyd,  for  asmoche  as  the  noble  man  haveng  lately  by 
misfortune  received  discomfort  enough,  haply  this  might  gyve  him 
occasion  to  think  him  self  utterly  discredytycl,  and  so  for  ever  dis- 
courage him :  it  in  my  opynyon  were  great  pyty.  Wherfor,  yf  it 
might  please  his  grace  to  use  his  servis  agayne,  I  shalbe  as  gladd  for 
my  part  to  joyn  with  him  ;  yea,  rather  then  fayle,  with  all  my  hartt 
to  serve  under  him  for  this  journey,  as  I  wold  be  to  have  the  hole 
auctorite  my  selfe.  And  by  this  meanes  his  grace  shall  preserve  his 
hartt,  and  hable  him  to  serve  hereafter,  which  other  wys  he  shalbe 
utterly  in  himselfe  discouradged.  I  wold  wish  that  no  man  for  oon 
mischaunce  or  yvell  happ,  to  the  which  we  be  all  subject,  that  must 
serve,  shold  be  utterly  abject,  for  yf  it  shold  be  so,  yt  were  all  most  a 
present  discomfort  to  all  men  be  fore  they  goo  to  yt.  syns  thos  thinges 
lithe  l  in  God's  hand,  therfore  good  Mr.  Cicill  use  your  accustomyd 
wysdom  and  good  hartt,  that  ye  bear  to  my  lordes  grace,  in  declaring 
this  matter  with  affect  to  the  same.  And  with  dilligence  let  me  here 
from  you  agayn  and  in  the  meane  I  shall  lose  no  tyme  to  putt  these 
sheres  yn  a  redynes  to  serve  as  apertayneth.  Fare  you  well  at  Warr- 
wik  this  sondaye  at  iiij  in  the  morning  the  xith.  of  August. 

"  Your  faithfull  frend 

J.  WAEWTK."  3 

Endorsed — "  To  my  veray  Loveng  ffrend  Mr.  Cicill 
this  be  delivered  with  spede." 

The  following  extracts  show  that  Captain  Drury,  who  subse- 
quently greatly  distinguished  himself,  had  been  already  sent  on  to 
Cambridge,  and  that  from  thence  he  passed  on  with  his  band  into 
Suffolk,  as  a  part  of  Warwick's  army : 

"  Mr.  "Williams  had  warrant  for  cP  of  the  sale  money  to  Doctor  Wende  payd  by 
Him  to  Captn  Drury  and  his  band  lying  at  Cambridge. — Aug.  vth. 3 

"The  same  threasurer  (Mr.  Williams)  had  warrant  for  xij"  x8  to  Thomas 
Drury  in  Reward  to  him  and  his  Band  for  thapprehension  of  one  Peyn  a 
notable  Eebell  of  Suff.  this  of  the  sales. — xii.  Aug. 

1  I.  e.  "  lieth."  2  State  Paper  Office— Domestic,  Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  38. 

3  Eegister  of  Privy  Council,  Edward  VI.  vol.  i.  p.  558. 


"  The  same  Threasurer  had  warrant  for  xxu  of  the  sales  imprest  to  the  same 
Drury  toward  payment  of  his  Band  to  be  signified  to  Hornyold  treasurer 
of  the  troops  with  therle  of  "Warwyck."  l 

While  the  date  of  the  following  extract,  on  being  compared  with 
that  (Aug.  10th)  of  the  proclamation  nominating  Somerset  to  the 
command  (see  p.  114),  gives  us  some  idea  of  the  state  of  uncertainty 
in  which  the  Protector  was,  as  to  whether  or  not  he  should  go  against 
the  Norfolk  insurgents  : 

"  The  same  threasurer  (Mr.  Peckham)  had  warrant  for  vm"  (£5,000)  to  John 
Hermynold  [or  Hornywold]  to  be  employed  by  my  lorde  of  Warwickes 
order  in  tharrny  agaynst  the  Eebelles. — Aug.  vij."  2 

When  tidings  of  these  preparations  reached  the  Camp ;  that  the 
King  and  his  Council  were  determined  to  suppress  them  by  force ;  that 
one  was  appointed  to  the  command  who,  whatever  "he  had  attempted, 
had  always  achieved  with  honour;"3  and  that,  besides,  "  a  captayn, 
armour,  bands  of  men,  and  all  instruments  for  the  terror  of  warre, 
had  been  provided  against  them,  to  be  readie  and  at  hand:  they 
beganne  every  day  to  fortifie  themselves,  and  to  look  about  for  all 
things  necessary,  and  to  trayne  themselves,  that  they  might  bee  the 
more  able  to  make  resistance  ;"  4  showing,  to  the  last,  that  confidence 
in  their  cause,  which  makes  us  feel  they  were  sincere ;  and  that  "  stout 
minde,"  which  we  cannot  but  admire. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  after  he  had  furnished  himself  with  soldiers 
at  home  and  from  beyond  the  seas,  with  money,  weapons,  and  all 
things  necessary  for  the  war,  departed  from  London,  accompanied  by 
all  his  forces,  and  proceeded  by  Cambridge  and  "  Newmarket  to  Nor- 
wich ward,  with  all  expedicion  they  might."  6 

There  were  in  that  army,  the  Marquis  of  Northampton,  Warwick's 
request  having  been  complied  with ;  Ambrose  Dudley,  afterwards 

1  Eegister  of  Privy  Council,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  i.  p.  562.  2  Id.  p.  559. 

3  Sir  John  Hayward.  4  Wood's  Translation. 

5  N.  Sotherton :  Nevylle  says  the  number  of  his  troops  was  "  about  14,000." — 
Edward  VI.  in  his  Journal,  says,  "  Th'erle  of  Warwic  came  with  the  nombre  of  6,000 
men  »f  above1  (sic)  and  1,500  horsmen." 


Earl  of  Warwick,1  and  Robert  Dudley,  afterwards  Earl  of  Leicester, 
Warwick's  sons  ;  Lord  Willoughby,3  Lord  Powis,4  Lord  Bray,5  "  with 

1  Ambrose  Dudley,  1561,  was  created  Earl  of  "Warwick ;   but,  though  three  times 
married,  died  without  issue  in  1589. — Surge's  Extinct  Peerages. 

2  Bobert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester,  was  subsequently  the  notorious  favourite  of 
Queen  Elizabeth.     His  first  wife  was  the  ill-fated  Amy  Eobsart. — Burke1 8  Ext.  Peerages. 

3  Sir  "William  Willoughby  was  created  Lord  "Willoughby  of  Parham,  16th  February, 
1547.     He  was  made  lieutenant  of  Calais  and  the  adjacent  marches,  in  the  fourth  year 
of  Edward  VI.,  and  resided  there  during  the  remainder  of  that  king's  reign.     He  died  in 
1574.     George  "Willoughby,  the  seventeenth  baron,  died  without  issue  in  1779,  when 
this  barony  became  extinct. — Burke's  Extinct  Peerages. 

The  following  extracts  show  that  Lord  Willoughby  was  not  (as  Nevylle  states)  with 
Warwick,  but  that,  having  raised  what  troops  he  could  in  Lincolnshire,  Cambridgeshire, 
&c.,  he  was  lying  at  Lynn  at  this  time,  and  on  the  point  of  setting  out  for  Walsingham, 
or  Hingham  :  supposing  him  to  have  done  so,  he  would,  undoubtedly,  on  hearing  of  the 
Earl  of  Warwick's  coming,  hasten  to  join  him  at  Norwich  : — • 

"Thomas  Hussey,"  iu  his  letter  to  "  Wm.  Cecill"  (State  Paper  Office— Domestic, 
Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  45a),  having  alluded  to  "the  towardenes  of  Rob'  Buntinge,"  who 
has  been  already  mentioned  (p.  113),  continues  thus :  "  As  to  morowe  my  Lord  Wil- 
loughby intendeth  to  march  toward  Walsingham  with  his  hole  Band,  orelles  to  Ingham, 
but  Walsingham  is  thought  more  meet,  by  cause  the  partes  aboute  Ingham  is  utterly, 
as  they  saye,  spoyled  bothe  of  malt,  bevys  and  mottons.  I  thyuk  he  shalbe  able  to  cary 
withime  of  well  armed  footmen  out  of  Lyncoln  shyre  xj  hundreth  men,  and  from  the  town 
of  Lynne,  Marshland,  and  Cambregeshyre  iiij  hundreth  men  and  as  I  thynk  so  to  wayet 
upon  my  Lord  Leftenaunt  upon  his  pleasure  knowen.  We  have  besydes  aboute  xv*  [six 
score]  lyght  horsmen.  As  we  shall  precede  so  shall  I  from  tyme  to  tyme  advertyse  youe. 
Thus  I  commit  youe  to  God.  Prom  Kynges  Lynne  the  xixth.  of  August. 

"  Toures  to  command 


While  the  following  shows  that  the  town  of  Wisbeach  contributed  its  quota  to  his 
lordship's  forces : — 

From  the  Records  of  the  Wisbech  Corporation  (A.D.  1549).—"  Payd  for  ye  costs 
and  charge  of  xxxvij  men  sent  to  Lynne  to  serve  ye  kings  matie  in  his  affaires  in  the 
comocyon  tyme  agaynst  ye  rebells  in  Norff.  for  their  coats  dubletts  boytes  and  other  their 
apparell  with  vj"  viijd  every  of  them  in  their  purses  as  by  ye  particulars  [i.  e.  the  bill  of 
particulars]  it  may  and  dothe  appere  the  sum  off  xxviij1'  ix"  viijd." 

I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  W.  Peckover,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  for  this  extract. 

4  Sir  Edward  Grey,  third  Baron  Grey  of  Powis,  died  in  1552,  without  lawful  issue, 
and  the  barony  of  Grey  de  Powis  consequently  became  extinct :  there  is,  however,  some 
doubt  as  to  its  being  so. — Burke" s  Extinct  Peerages. 

8  John  Braye,  second  Lord  Braye,  was  a  commanding  officer  in  the  expedition  made 
into  France  under  the  Earl  of  Hertford,  in  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  Henry  VIII. ;  and 


grett  nombre  of  Lords,  knights,1  and  Squiers  and  Gentylmen,  and 
others,"  native  and  foreign 3  troops,  "  with  gret  store  of  armour, 
munycion,  shot,  powder,  ordynance  shott,  whose  nombre  is  written  to 
be  xij  M."  3 

The  Earl  having  commenced  his  journey,  in  due  course  arrived 
at  Cambridge,  where,  in  the  Accompts  of  the  Treasurers  of  the  town, 
occur  the  following  charges  relating  to  the  insurrection,  and  to  War- 
wick's passage  through  the  town  : 

"  Item,  for  the  exspencs  of  Mr.  Mayer  and  the  companie  in  the  comocion  tyme 

at  Barnewell,  vjs.  viijd. 
"  Item,  to  Mr.  Mayer  for  the  costs  of  the  watchemen  that  watched  the  same 

tyine,  xx". 
"  Item,  to  hym  at  another  tyme  when  Edward  Loft  went  to  Thetforthe  as  a 

scout  watche,  xva. 
"  Item,  for  a  present  gyven  to  the  Erie  of  "Warwycke  by  the  comaundement  of 

Mr.  Mayor  and  the  Aldermen,  xix9. 
"  Item,  for  a  reward  gyven  to  his  Trompetters,  \s. 

upon  the  insurrection  in  Norfolk,  in  the  third  (Burke  says  second,  but  wrongly)  of 
Edward  VI.,  his  lordship  marched  with  the  Earl  of  Warwick  (Burke  says,  Marquess  of 
Northampton,  but  wrongly  again)  for  its  suppression.  He  died  without  issue,  19th 
November,  1557,  and  was  buried  at  Chelsea  Church. — BurJce's  Extinct  Peerages. 

1  In  the  Earl's  train  were  also,  Henry  Willoughby,  Esq. ;    Sir  Thomas  Gresham  ; 
Sir  Marmaduke  Constable ;  William  Devereux,  son  of  the  Lord  Ferrers  of  Chartley  ; 
Sir  Edmund  Knevet ;  Sir  Thomas  Palmer  ;  Sir  Andrew  Flammock  ;  Henry  Wylby,  Esq. ; 
Gyles  Ffoster,  Esq. ;  Thomas  Lusye  of  Charlcot,  Esq. ;  besides  many  others. — Blomefield. 

2  The  following  relates  to  these  mercenaries  (Privy  Council  Register,  Edward  VI. 
vol.  i.  p.  571)  :— 

"  Aug.  xx.  Sir  John  Williams  had  warrant  for  x1'  xs  to  Sir  Thomas  Smyth,  Mr. 
Secretary  for  so  much  pd.  to  him,  viz.  ten  poundes  to  Hudson  leader 
of  the  iiij  enseignes  of  Allemans  footemen  to  therle  of  Warwyck,  Lieu- 
tenant of  tharmy  advaunced  against  the  Rebelles  of  Norff.  the  same 
ten  poundes  to  be  defolked  of  [»'.  e.  deducted  from]  Hudsons  wages 
being  v8  per  diem  and  iiij  servantes  at  vi"  the  pece.  Also  xs  to  Humfrey 
Mychell  sent  to  the  sayd  Hudson  with  the  sayd  money.  This  to  be 
repayed  of  the  sales." 

Other  notices  of  payment  will  be  found  in  Appendix  (E). 

3  N.  Sotherton:  Nevylle  says,  "  about  14,000."     Edward  VI.,  in  his  Journal,  says  : 
"  Th'erle  of  Warwic  came  with  the  nombre  of  6,000  men  or  ubore    (sic)   and  1,500 


"  Item,  for  the  exspences  of  Richard  Bowman  and  other  when  they  caryed  up 
the  Rebells  in  the  companye  of  Payne,1  xxs. 

"  Item,  payd  to  the  Proctor  of  the  unyversyte  for  halffe  the  charges  of  hi^  costs, 
and  exspencs  spent  in  obteynyge  a  general  pardon,  xxxviij8.  viijd. 

"  Item,  to  Mr.  Mayer  for  the  exspencs  of  the  watche,  xijs. 
"  Item,  payd  more  to  the  watchemen,  xxs. 

"  Item,  for  mendinge  of  the  prison  after  the  prisoners  brake  out,  viz.  to  Moyne 
for  mendinge  the  grate  and  a  locke,  xijd. 

"  Item,  for  carrying  out  of  Gallows,  and  for  a  newe  Rope,  iiijd. 
"  Item,  for  settyng  up  and  bryngyng  in  of  yt  agene,  vjd."  2 

He  was  here  met,  at  the  entrance  to  Cambridge,  by  certain  of  the 
Aldermen  and  citizens  of  Norwich,  who,  falling  upon  their  knees,  with 
weeping  and  lamentable  voice,  began  earnestly  to  entreat  him,  "  That 
he  would  lay  no  grievous  thing  to  their  charge,  for  they  were  innocent 
persons  and  guiltie  of  no  crime.  Yet  they  besought  the  mercy  and 
favour  of  the  Prince,  for  they  had  verily  conceived  an  incredible  griefe 
of  this  miserable  destruction  and  spoile  of  their  countrey,  and  had 
further  indured  all  extremitie  at  the  rebels'  hands.  In  the  end,  to 
provide  for  their  lives,  they  were  constrayned  to  flye  the  City,  and 
with  sword  and  fire  were  cast  out,  not  only  from  the  City,  but  from 
their  wives  and  children,  and  all  their  friends.  In  so  great  misery 
wherewith  they  were  pressed  on  every  side,  they  crave  nothing  else, 
but  if  in  this  common  and  exceeding  feare,  through  ignorance  and 
folly,  unwittingly  they  have  wrapped  themselves  in  any  offence,  the 
same  might  not  be  imputed  unto  them,  but  upon  their  repentance  and 
humble  petition  it  might  be  pardoned."  3 

Hereunto  Warwick  answered,  that  "  Hee  perceived  how  great 
perill  they  were  in,  and  that  without  doubt  the  strength  of  those  men 
was  great,  which  had  driven  them  from  all  these  things  as  deare  unto 
them  as  life  it  selfe ;  affirming  that  they  had  done  nothing  amisse  to 
his  knowledge.  In  that  they  had  left  the  Citie  in  so  great  feare  and 

1  Keeper  of  the  tolbooth  or  town  prison. 

2  From  Annals  of  Cambridge,  by  C.  H.  Cooper,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  vol.  ii.  p.  43. 

3  Wood's  Translation. 


danger,  it  was  but  the  infirmitie  of  man,  and  to  be  borne  withall. 
Notwithstanding,  in  one  thing  they  were  somewhat  imprudent,  that 
they  withstood  not  these  evils  in  the  very  beginning  :  for  a  few  valiant 
and  wise  men  might  have  dispatched  those  companies  in  a  moment, 
if,  at  the  commencement,  they  had  opposed  themselves  for  the  health 
of  their  countrey.  Notwithstanding,  he  granted  pardon  at  their 
request,  and  offered  the  King's  favour  to  them  all;  willing  them, 
when  they  had  furnished  themselves  with  weapons,  and  with  the 
furniture  of  souldiers,  to  be  in  a  readinesse  to  follow  the  host,  having 
laces  about  their  necks  to  be  discerned  from  the  rest."  l 

After  this  he  departed  from  Cambridge,  and  on  the  22nd  of 
August  arrived  at  Wymondham,  being  joined  on  his  way  by  such  of 
the  Norfolk  gentry  as  still  retained  their  liberty, — a  proceeding  with 
which  he  was  exceedingly  pleased.2  Leaving  this  place  on  the  23rd, 
he  came  with  all  his  army  to  Intwood,  which  is  distant  from  Norwich 
about  three  miles.  Here  Sir  Thomas  Gresham 3  had  a  fair  and  large 
house,  where  Warwick  abode  till  next  day  with  his  company,  who 
remained  under  arms  and  ready  for  battle,  if  perchance  the  enemy 
should  excite  any  tumult  on  the  sudden  ;  who  beheld  from  the  walls 
and  towers  of  the  City,  what  was  taking  place.  In  the  mean  time, 
Warwick,  while  lying  with  his  army  at  Intwood,  "  of  his  clemencie 
and  for  avoiding  of  bloudshed  and  saving  the  Gentylmen  in  Capti- 
vity," *  sent  his  herald,5  who,  in  the  name  of  the  King,  as  is  customary, 

1  Wood's  Translation.  2  Blomefield. 

3  Sir  Thomas  Q-resham  resided  at  Intwood  Hall.      He  here  entertained  the  Earl  of 
"Warwick,  as  stated  above,  and  subsequently  Queen  Elizabeth,  on  her  progress  to  Norwich, 
in  1578.     His  father's  mark  (Sir  Richard  Gresham),  with  the  initials  R.  G.,  is  now  on 
the   spandril   of  an  old  door  at   Intwood ;    and  on  an   ancient  porch  are  the  arms  of 
Gresham  carved  in  stone,  together  with  the  grasshopper,  the  well-known  crest  or  cogni- 
zance of  the  family.     In  1542  the  corporation  sent  half  a  porpoise  as  a  present  to  Lady 
Gresham,  at  Intwood.— Norf.  ArcJueol.  vol.  iii.  p.  188. — See  also  Art  Journal  for  1848, 
in  which  a  view  of  the  old  Hall  is  given. 

4  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

5  By  referring  to  the  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  304fi,  Appendix  (I),  it  will 
be  seen  that  Warwick  had  with  him  "  Mr.  Norroy,  haywad,"  i.  e.  herald,  "  at  armye," 
i.  e.  at  arms  ;    "  Mr.  Bluemantyll,  harward,"  i.  e.  herald  ;  and  "  jjj  Trompeters."     "Norroy 

B    2 


proclaimed  war  against  the  citizens,  unless  they  immediately  opened 
the  gates,  and  admitted  the  King's  army. 

Kett,  when  he  understood  that  the  herald  had  come  to  the  gates, 
directed  Augustine  Steward,  the  Mayor's  Deputy,  and  Robert  Rugge, 
Alderman,  to  go  and  inquire  what  he  demanded,  who  replied,  "  It  was 
to  know  if  they  would  receive  in  the  Leiftenant."  These  being, 
thereupon,  let  out  at  a  postern,  made  answer,  "  That  they  counted 
themselves  the  miserablest  men  alive,  which  had  indured  so  many 
and  great  discomfitures  both  in  minde  and  body,  as  at  the  remem- 
brance thereof  all  the  parts  of  their  body  tremble.  Neverthelesse, 
this  one  thing  was  added  unto  the  rest,  which  increased  the  height 
of  their  calamity,  griefe,  and  shame ;  because  that  fidelity  which 
they  ought,  and  earnestly  desired  to  perform  to  his  Majesty,  they 
were  not  able  to  fulfill  at  this  time,  and  judged  themselves  the 
unhappiest  that  lived  in  this  age ;  wherein  they  were  ever  compelled 
either  to  undergoe  the  danger  of  their  life,  or  the  hazard  of  their 
dignitie.  Notwithstanding,  they  hoped  well  of  the  King's  Majestie, 
as  those  which  had  no  wayes  bound  themselves  in  any  consent  of 
these  villanies,  but  had  restrayned  (as  much  as  was  in  them)  the 
rest  of  the  citizens,  with  great  losse  of  their  goods,  and  ever  with 
an  incredible  danger  of  their  lives.  Moreover,  they  most  humbly 
besought  this  one  thing  of  the  Earle,  that  because  there  were  in  the 
City  an  innumerable  company  of  Kett's  Campe,  unarmed  and  pore 
(who,  besides  being  through  feare  and  conscience  of  their  owne 
wickednesse  holden  guilty,  moreover  were  weary  of  their  doings, 
as  which  had  filled  the  very  desire  of  working  mischiefe  with  the 
sacietie3  of  their  furies),  it  would  please  him  once  againe  to  try  that 
which  hath  been  often  prooved  in  vaine  :  signifying  that  they  greatly 
hoped  (if  at  this  time  might  be  offered  unto  them  againe  the  hope 

king  at  arms  "  had  a  busy  time  of  it,  as  the  following  extract  from  the  Privy  Council 
Register,  Edward  VI.  vol.  i.  p.  566,  Aug.  xx.  shows  : 

"  The  same  Threasurer  [Mr.  Williams]  had  warrant  for  xlij1'  to  Norroy  king  at 

armes   for   divers  voyages   by  him  made   into  Kent,   Essex,  Suffolk   and 

Norfolk  about  the  pacifying  of  the  E«belles." 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  /.  e.  "  satiety." 


of  impunitie)  it  would  come  to  passe  that  forthwith  they  would 
lay  down  their  weapons,  without  slaughter  and  bloudshed.  Which 
thing  (if  it  might  come  to  passe)  would  be  an  eternall  memorie  unto 
posteritie,  and  a  glorie  exceeding  all  victorie,  if  they  might  carry 
home  peace,  and  their  weapons  unstained  with  the  bloud  of  civill 
dissention." * 

The  herald  straightway  departed,  and  delivered  to  Warwick 
the  answer  he  had  received;  who,  being  anxious,  if  such  were 
possible,  "  that  this  flame  so  dangerous  and  dreadfull  might  be 
quenched  without  slaughter  and  bloudshed,"  determined  "  that 
it  should  not  be  measured  according  to  the  villanies  they  had 
committed,  but  according  to  the  dignitie  of  the  King  and  the 
utilitie  of  the  kingdome." 1  He  was,  moreover,  afraid  lest  the 
gentlemen,  who  were  imprisoned  in  the  Castle  and  elsewhere, 
"  tossed  and  turmoiled  with  the  great  waves  of  feare,"  might  be 
slain :  for  the  rebels  were  continually  threatening  them  with  death, 
and  especially  Sir  Roger  Woodhouse,  whom  they  were  very  bitter 
against.  Warwick  therefore  resolved  on  trying  them  again  with 
the  offer  of  pardon. 

To  this,  end  the  herald,  "after  one  quarter  of  an  bower," 
returned  with  a  trumpeter  and  said :  "  Soe  the  parcullis 3  were 
pullid  up  hee  would  see  what  to  doe."  The  portcullis  was  raised, 
the  gates  thrown  open,  and  "  xxx  or  xl  of  the  rebellis  well  horsid  " 
came  and  "  very  pleasant  and  merry,"  4  "  rid  in  Couples  before  the 
Harrold  the  trumpetter  and  two  Aldermen  through  ye  Cyttie  to  yc 
gate  next  the  Campe,"  Bishop  Bridge  Gates,  "  where  after  ye  sound 
of  ye  trumpett,"  '  "great  routs  of  Rebels  came  flocking  by  heapes 
unto  them  from  the  hill ;  the  horsemen  thereupon  with  a  swift 
course  ranne  unto  them,  commanding,  that  dividing  themselves,  the 
one  halfe  should  stand  in  ranke  over  against  the  other."  l  When 
they  had  done  this,  the  herald  with  his  trumpeter,  and  the  two 
Aldermen  going  in  the  midst  between  the  ranks  "  the  space  of 

1  Wood's  Translation.  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

3  I.  e.  "  portcullis."  <  Blomefield. 


a  quarter  of  a  myle," 1  were  received  on  every  side  with  loud  shouts, 
all  uncovering  their  heads,  and  as  it  were  with  one  mouth  crying, 
"  God  save  King  Edward  !  God  save  King  Edward !  "  He  having 
commended  them  for  this,  the  Aldermen  at  the  same  time  desiring 
them  to  keep  their  ranks,  at  length  came  to  the  top  of  the  hill, 
"  having  on  his  rich  coate  of  armes,  as  solemne  ensignes  of  his  office." 
Previous  to  Kett's  coming,  he  spake  after  this  manner : — 

"They  were  not  ignorant,  from  the  first  time  ever  since  they 
had  wickedly  taken  up  armes  against  their  country,  how  many  and 
sundry  waies,  hy  all  meanes  possible,  labour  and  study,  the  King's 
Majestic  had  imploied  his  care,  to  the  ende  to  bring  them  from  the 
crueltie  of  those  villainies,  whereby  they  had  violated  all  lawes  of 
God  and  men,  to  some  consideration  of  their  duties,  and  regard 
of  their  owne  safetie ;  and  had  sent  unto  them  messengers  and  pro- 
clairners  of  peace,  not  once,  but  often,  againe  and  againe.  Notwith- 
standing, they  regarded  not,  but  ever  despised,  and  by  all  meanes 
misused  them,  through  their  detestable  madnesse  and  disloyaltie. 
But  (now  in  the  sight  of  God)  whither  would  they  rush  ?  whither 
would  they  throw  both  themselves,  headlong,  and  their  goods  with 
deadly  furie  ?  what  measure  would  they  put  to  their  most  trecherous 
madnesse  ?  or  what  ende  of  their  most  vile  counsels  ?  How  long,  being 
stirred  up  through  pestilent  lusts,  which  they  had  once  suffered  to  enter 
into  their  mindes,  would  they,  with  deadly  folly,  continue  to  pursue 
their  false  and  idle  hopes  of  victory  ?  How  long  would  they  adorne  with 
counterfeit  titles  the  foule  impietie  of  mischievous  treason  ?  How  long 
would  they  wrappe  in  the  false  garments  of  seeming  vertue  their 
horrible  foulness  and  villanies  ?  Finally,  how  long  would  they  be 
holden  bound  with  the  fatal  desire  of  those  things,  on  their  obtaining 
which,  if  such  were  allowable,  the  destruction  of  the  Common-wealth 
would  insue  presently,  much  more  intolerable  and  lamentable  ?  But 
rather  now  at  the  last,  instead  of  acting  thus,  they  should  look  about 
them  awhile,  and  apply  both  their  minds  and  understanding,  and 
mark  thorowly,  with  more  intentive  eyes,  their  Common-wealth,2 
of  which  in  all  their  talke,  no  lesse  foolishly  than  wickedly  and 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  See  Appendix  (N). 


ungodly,  they  are  wont  to  boast.     Surely  then  may  easily  be  seene 
whether  they  be  faithfull  subjects,  and  worthy  of  the  name  of  good 
citizens ;   which  have  taken  up  hostile  armes  against  the   King's 
Majestic ;    which  have  gathered    together    routs    of  wicked    men, 
despised   and  vile;    which  have   brought  upon  their  countrie    (the 
common  parent  of  us  all)   ungodly  and  sacrilegious   hands;   which 
have  let  the  refuse  of  the  people,  and  the  vilest  of  all  mortall  men 
(cast  out,  for  the  most  part,  of  all  English  societies)  into  the  Common- 
wealth, to  the  destruction  of  the  good,  and  overthrow  of  the  kingdome ; 
which  have  defaced  with  mercilesse  fire,  the  greatest  part  of  this 
most  worthie  Citie ;  which  hath  laid  in  most  vile  prison  and  bands, 
many  worthy  and  excellent  persons,  and  have  slaine  some  with  most 
extreme  torture ;    which   have   utterly  emptied  the   best    furnished 
houses,  and  polled  and  shaven  the  neighbour  villages ;  which  have 
alienated  to  their  own  use  the  goods  of  many  (of  late  rich  men,  but 
now  through  their  crueltie,  miserable  and  needie)  and  carried  them 
unto  their  wretched   Campe  by  most  cruell  robberies ;  which  have 
forged  fained  lawes,  false  letters  and  commissions  in  the  King's  name ; 
which  have  prophaned  the  temple  of  the  great  and  mighty  God ; 
overthrowne  the  houses  of  private  men  ;  wasted  and  spoiled  the  fields 
on  every  side ;  which  have  converted  all  their  thought,  studies,  and 
enterprises  to  destruction,  slaughter,  wasting,  burning,  and  stealing ; 
finally,  which  have  left   nothing   remaining,  whither  the  rage  and 
madnesse  of  their  furie  could  further  carrie  them,  but  either  their 
riotous  lusts  utterly  devoured,  or  their  foul  importunitie  scattered 
abroad.     When  they  see  themselves  thus  guilty  of  these  so  many, 
so  great,  and  so  horrible  pollutions  of  wickednesse  in  the  sight  of 
God,  their  King,  and  the  Common-wealth ;  and  when  now  they  see 
all  their  goods  and  substance  to  be  brought  into  that  place,  and  so 
confiscate  and  lost,  that  to  bee  in  a  worse  condition  than  now  they 
are  in  (for  they  are  in  the  worst)  they  cannot  be,  if  they  would ;  then 
let  them  thinke  with  themselves,  into  how  large  a  sea  of  evils  they 
have  throwne  themselves  headlong  ;  and  let  them  thinke  what  they 
may  feare,  over  whose  heads  alwaies  hangeth  the  just  wrath  of  God 
(which  surely  by  no  meanes  can  be  avoided)  and  the  inevitable  power 


of  the  King,  offended  and  displeased.  For  his  Majestic  had  decreed, 
not  to  suffer  any  longer  these  so  great  evils  to  abide  in  the  bowels 
of  his  kingdome,  neither  to  leave  any  longer  unpunished  and  unre- 
venged,  this  so  foul  crueltie  and  intolerable  boldnesse.  And  therefore 
had  chosen  the  Earle  of  Warwicke,  (a  man  of  renowned  honour,  and 
of  great  name,  and  unto  this  work  appointed  Generall  from  his 
Majestie,)  who  must  pursue  them  with  fire  and  sword ;  and  hath 
further  injoyned  him  never  to  leave  off  untill  hee  had  utterly  rooted 
out  that  vile  and  horrible  company.  Notwithstanding,  such  is  his 
great  bountie  and  clemencie,  that  whom  he  hath  appointed  a  revenger 
of  this  desperate  and  wicked  rout  (if  they  persevere)  the  same  also  he 
would  have,  to  be  (if  they  shall  doe  otherwise)  a  messenger  and 
minister  of  his  mercie : l  the  which,  except  they  would  imbrace  it  at 
this  time,  refusing  all  sinister  advice,  Warwicke  hath  most  solemnly 
sworne,  shall  never  hereafter  be  offered  unto  any  of  them  again  :  but 
(as  he  was  commanded  of  the  King)  he  would  pursue  with  fire  and 
sword  all  the  companions  of  that  most  pernitious  conspiracy,  the 
officers,  ministers,  and  abettors  thereof,  as  the  most  pestilent  enemies 
to  the  King's  Majesty ;  neither  would  he  make  an  end  of  pursuing 
them,  until  they  (which  had  defiled  all  places  with  their  new,  unheard 
of,  and  unpardonable  treason,  and  had  drowned  themselves  in  such 
furious  waves  of  wickedness,)  had  received  condigne  punishment  of 
God  and  the  King."  3 

When  he  had  made  an  end,  although  many  being  doubtful 
as  to  what  the  end  would  be,  "  in  feare  tremblid  ;"3  yet  the  greater 
part,  being  grievously  offended  with  his  speech,  were  so  excited,  as 
presently  to  revile  the  herald  with  shouts  and  cursings  ;  some  calling 
him  traitor,  and  saying  that  he  had  not  been  sent  from  the  King ; 

1  The   herald   said,   "that  if  they  would  like  naturall  subjects  repent  of  theyr 
demeanour  and  humbly  submit  themselvis  to  yc  Kings  mercy,  hee  would  graunt  to  them 
his  highnes  pardon  for  life  and  goods,  Kett  only  excepted  :  if  not,  hee  protested  with  his 
helpe  in  whome  his  confidence  rested  that  hee  would  never  depart  out  of  the  place,  till, 
without  pitty  and  mercy,  hee  had  vanquisht  them  with  the  sword."     Of  this  exception, 
mentioned  by  Sotherton,  Nevylle  takes  no  notice.    But  for  this,  it  seems  likely  Kett  would 
have  accepted,  and  have  used  his  influence  with  his  followers  to  induce  them  to  accept, 
the  proffered  pardon. 

2  "Wood's  Translation.  3  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


but  had  received  his  lesson  from  the  gentlemen,  "to  bring  them 
asleepe  with  flattering  words,  and  faire  promises,  in  order  to  deceive 
them  in  the  end,  whereby  napping  as  it  were,  and  carelesse,  they 
might  the  easier  bee  taken,  Avhile  they  feared  no  such  things." 
Others  said  the  pardon  in  appearance  seemed  good  and  liberal,  but 
would  prove  in  the  end  lamentable  and  deadly,  since  it  was  nothing 
else  than  "barrels  filled  with  ropes  and  halters:"1  and  as  for  his 
painted  coat,  distinct  and  beautiful  with  gold,  it  was  not  the  insignia 
of  a  herald,  but  sewed  together  out  of  Popish  vestments.2  Many 
things  besides,  in  their  rage  and  fury,  they  uttered  against  him,  while 
all  round  about  poured  forth  the  bitterness  of  their  venom  in  cruel 
speeches,  savouring  of  death  itself.  Notwithstanding,  the  herald  went 
from  thence  with  Kett  to  another  part,  where  he  proclaimed  the  same 
thing  to  the  rest  of  the  people,  who  by  reason  of  the  press  had  not 
previously  been  able  to  hear  him. 

It  happened  before  he  had  made  an  end  of  his  speech,  that  a  boy 
being  guilty  of  great  rudeness,  one  of  the  soldiers,  who  had  crossed 
the  river  to  see  what  was  taking  place,  was  so  excited  as,  regardless 
of  the  consequences,  to  shoot  at  and  kill  him  :  whereupon  "  came 
riding  through  the  wood  a  xij  or  more  horsmen,  exclaiming  that  the 
Harrold  cam  not  but  for  a  traine  to  have  them  all  destroyid,  saying, 
'  Our  men  are  kylled  by  the  water  side.'  " 3 

Then  "  they  severed  them  3  like  mad  men ;"  but  Kett,  joining 

1  "Wood's  Translation. 

2  We  have  here  an  indirect,  and  at  the  same  time  interesting,  proof  of  the  spirit 
prevailing  amongst  the  Norfolk  rebels,  and  that  they  certainly  had  not  risen  in  favour 
of  "  the  old  religion."     Nevylle's  words  are :  "  Tunicam  autem  illam  pictam,  auroque 
distinctam  et  illustrem,  neutiquam  esse  fecialia  insignia,  sed  quiddam  ex  Papisticis  consu- 
tum  ornamentis."     Sotherton  in  like  manner  says  :  "  Hee  was  not  sent  by  ye  kinge  nor 
was  his  Harrold,  but  made  by  the  Gentlemen  putting  on  him  a  piece  of  an  old  Cope  for 
his  Cote  armour,  with  other  despightfull  words ;" — a  statement  clearly  showing  that  the 
people  were  angry  with  the  herald,  and  that  "  old  Copes,"  so  far  from  finding  favour  with 
them,  were  rather  objects  of  ridicule.     Blomefield,  following  Holinshed,  seems  inclined 
to  take  a  different  view,  and  to  consider  this  mention  of  church  vestments  a  proof  that  the 
havoc  made  amongst  church  ornaments  was  what  had  excited  the  anger  of  the  people. 

3  Nicholas  Sotherton. 



the  herald,  rode  "  without  staye  to  a  place  called  Sturt  hyll,  where, 
half  way  downe,  Kett,  willing1  to  have  gon  with  "  him  "  to  the  Lord 
Lieuetenant,"  was  met,  when  they  had  conie  nearly  to  the  bottom  of 
the  hill,  by  a  mighty  rout  of  rebels,  crying  out,  "Whither  away, 
whither  away,  Mr.  Kett  ?  if  you  goe  we  will  goe  with  you,  and  with 
you  will  live  and  dye."  2  It  was  a  trying  moment,  the  turning-point 
in  Kett's  career  :  he  had  been  excepted  from  the  general  pardon,3  it  is 
true,  yet  the  herald  held  out  such  fair  promises,  he  was  inclined  to  go 
to  the  Earl ;  their  grievances  might  yet  be  redressed,  and  he  might, 
with  safety  to  himself,  lay  down  the  authority  he  had  assumed  for 
what  he  believed  to  be  the  general  good ;  and,  while  he  might  be 
hoping  this,  there  was,  on  the  other  hand,  the  numerous  and  well- 
disciplined  army  that  had  come  against  him,  the  stern  determination 
on  the  part  of  the  King's  Council  to  crush  him,  and  the  doubt 
probably  arising  in  his  mind  as  to  his  followers  being  able,  in  the  end, 
to  prevail : — we  can  easily  imagine  all  these  conflicting  thoughts 
to  have  flashed  through  his  mind,  as  silently  he  rode  between  the 
rebel  ranks ;  and  we  cannot  but  wish  that  he  had,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  these  thoughts,  seen  Warwick  face  to  face,  and,  having  thrown 
himself  on  the  King's  mercy,  secured  a  general  pardon  for  all,  together 
with  some  redress  of  their  many  grievances,  for  the  obtaining  of 
which,  he  and  his  followers  had  taken  up  arms.  The  herald,  uncon- 
scious of  the  conflict  going  on  in  his  companion's  breast,  and  anxious 
about  his  own  safety,  which  seemed  in  jeopardy,  a  great  number  of 
the  rebels  tumult  uously  rushing  after  him,  "  willed  Kett  to  goe  backe 
againe,  and  stay  this  concourse  and  tumult :  who,  being  returned 
to  his  company,  they  were  presently  quiet,  and  went  backe  all  of  them 
againe  into  the  Canape." 4 

When  the  Earl  of  Warwick  perceived  that  they,  neither  by  en- 
treaty nor  fair  promises,  nor  yet  by  the  fear  of  punishment,  could  be 
won  from  their  enterprise,  it  seemed  best  to  lay  aside  all  hope  of 

1  Prom  the"Inquis.  post  mortem"  in  the  Appendix,  [it  will  be  seen  that  Kett, 
singularly  enough,  held  property  at  Wymondham,  under  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 

2  Nicholas  Sotherton.  8  See  Note  ('),  p.  128.  4  Wood's  Translation. 


peace,  and  to  deal  with  them  in  open  war.  Accordingly,1  he  led  his 
army  to  Saint  Stephen's  Gates,  which  the  rebels,  having  let  down  the 
portcullis,  had  closed,  and  commanded  the  King's  master  gunner  to 
plant  the  ordnance  near,  that,  it  being  battered  down,  a  way  might  be 
made  for  the  soldiers  whereby  to  enter  the  City.  When  they  were 
about  to  do  this,  he  was  informed  by  Augustine  Steward,  the  Mayor's 
Deputy,  that  there  was  a  postern  not  far  off,  called  Brazen  doors, 
which,  though  it  had  been  made  fast  with  great  beams  and  pieces  of 
timber,  and  rampired  up  with  stones  and  earth,  could,  without  much 
labour,  easily  be  broken  open.  The  pioneers  were  accordingly  com- 
manded to  commence  at  this  point,  where,  having  succeeded,  the 
soldiers  first  forced  their  way  into  the  City,  and  killing  many,  drove 
the  rebels  from  that  place.  In  the  mean  time,  the  master  gunner 
"  dischargid  and  brake  ye  halfe  gate  and  percullis  "  2  at  Saint  Stephen's 
Gates,3  where  the  Marquis  of  Northampton  and  Captain  Drury,  a  man 

1  Saturday,  August  24fch.  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

3  The  City  Chamberlain's  Aceompts  (p.  306)  contain  the  following  account  of  the 
repairs  subsequently  done  at  these  gates : — 

"  Other  mynute  expenses  and  payments  hade  and  payd  betwyxt  myhelmas  and 
our  lady  day  the  anuncyacion  after  the  end  of  thys  Accompt  of  and  for  the 
causes  of  the  forsayd  Comocion. 

"  Seynt  Stephyns     In  primis  pd  for  drynke  for  a  dozen  ^ 

Gats.  men  y'  holpe  oon  halff  gate  at  Seynt  I 

Stephyns   of    [i.e.    off]    the  hooks,   and   carte   yl  | 

caryed  y' J 

"  Itm  to  hubbard  caryeng  the  same  gate  to  the  Crown  ~) 

yarde  to  be  newe  made  and  from  thense  ageyn  whan  f  —  „  ij  „  - 
yt  was  don J 

p.  3065.     "  Itm  to  paschall  for  takyng  of  [i.  e.  off]  the-^ 
nayles  and  By vetts  of  the  same  half  gate  and  clyck  I 
wl  the  hengylls  andjemews  [i.  e.  hinges  and  jimmers]   \—  „  iij  „  iiij 
and  for  brekkyng  of  dyvse  toles  [i.  e.  tools]  abought  I 
the  same J 

"  Itm  to  John  fellbrygge   Carpenter  newe  makyn  the  ) 

same  gate  w'  certen  tymbyr  y'  he  fownde  therto  as  f  —  „  xxv  „  — 

it  appere  by  his  bylle ) 

8   2 


of  excellent  valour,  with  their  troops,  hastily  entered,  "  skorid 1  the 
streets  and  killed  divers  Eebellis." 

Also,  on  another  side  of  the  City,  the  Mayor's  Deputy  caused 
the  gates  called  Westwick  or  St.  Benedict's  gates  to  be  opened, 
through  which  Warwick,  with  all  his  host,  were  let  in,  scarcely  any 
resisting,  and  came  into  the  market-place,  "  where  divers  Eebellis 
were  fownd  and  hangid  that  night :" 

p.  304.     "  Itm  for  a  pece  of  tymbyr  and  makyng  of  a  ")  _ 

payer  of  gallows  at  the  Crosse 3 

p.  304J.     "  Itm  pd  for  the  Charges  of  beryeng  [i.  e.  bury-  ~\ 

ing]  of  xlix  men  that  war  hangyd  at  the  Crosse  in  V    —  „  iij  „  ix 
the  market,  for  makyng  pytts  and  carryeng  to  them3  ) 

"  Itm  for  mendyng  of  a  leddyr  y'  was  broken  at  the  |  _  -j- ,, 

Crosse  w'  hangyng  of  men4 5 

This  proceeding  is  commended  by  Ncvylle,  though  it  ill  accorded 
with  that  willingness  to  pardon  but  shortly  before  professed  by  War- 
wick :  "  without  hearing  the  cause,  all  of  them  were  presently  (as  the 

1  I.  e.  "  scoured."  2  Nicholas  Sotherton.  3  "Wood's  Translation. 

3  It  has  been  supposed  these  "  pytts"  were  without  Magdalen  Gate,  human  remains 
having  been  found  there.  4  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts. 

"  Itm  to  Eaphe  Marsham  for  a  pece  of  dry  square  tym-  ~) 

byr  wherof  the  long  edge  pece  and  the  nether  stay  r  —  „  iij  „  iiij 
war  made ' 

"  Itm  to  Thomas  Codde  Mayer  for  sawed  planke  dry  jCx  7  _ 
fote  at  vjs  „  viijd  a  C ) 

"  Itm   to   John   Elye   for   mendyng   ye   crosse  hengyll  ~) 

benethe  the  Clycke  [i.  e.  the  small  door  in  the  large  \  —  „  —  „  xij 
one]    ) 

"  Itm  to  hym  for  lenthyng  ye  mydyll  hengyll  puttyng  7  _ 
therto  xiijlb  of  newe  yron ,. .  j 

"  Itm  to  hym  for  oou  newe  jemewe  for  the  Clycke  iiij9,  "^ 

and  to  paschall  for  makyng  of  a  newe  joynte  to  the  f  —  „  iiij  „  viij 
oyr  jemewe  viijd J 

"  Itm  to  hym  for  mendyng  the  locke  of  the  Clycke  gat  "I 

and  a  newe  keye  for  ye  same J       "       "    ^ 


''*"••<"  ^f 

JMORWTCH     CPOSS    IN    1732. 



manner  of  warres  is)  manifestly  convict  of  their  wickednesse,  and 
received  their  last  punishment." 

As  Warwick  was  in  the  market-place,  there  came  to  him  "  the 
wholle  Cytezins  with  their  Servants,  that  had  long  bin  hid,  and  cryde 
for  pardon,  to  whome  the  Lord  Lieuetenant  answrid  they  shuld  have 
pardon  and  commandid  every  man  home  to  his  house  and  to  keepe 
the  same,"  and  to  take  care  "  that  noe  Rebells  were  therein  sustained, 
which  made  a  greate  nombre  of  glad  hartis,  that  dyd  as  they  were 
bydden.  This  done  about  three  of  the  Clock  afternoone  cam  in  all 
the  carts  with  carriage  2  and  munition  att  the  seide  Westwick  Gate." 
And  now  occurred  an  incident  which  might  lead  one  to  think  "Warwick 
a  careless  commander,  or  his  drivers  very  heedless ;  but  which  a 
knowledge  of  the  localities  is  quite  sufficient  to  account  for.  On  their 
entering  the  City  and  reaching  Charing  Cross,  instead  of  turning  to 
the  right,  and  so  proceeding  to  the  market-place,  they  went  straight 
on,  down  Tombland,  across  St.  Martin's  Palace  Plain,  and  ultimately 

1  Wood's  Translation. 

2  At  this  time  "  carriage"  meant  "  things  carried  ;  "  but  now  "  that  which  carries  " 
us.     A  similar  use  of  this  word  occurs  at  Acts  xxi.  15. 

3  Nicholas  Sotlierton. 

"  Ittn  to  John  Eonhale  for  lxxvjlb  of  newe  Nayles  and  \  _ 
Eyrettsatiij"1" > 

"  Itm  to  hym  for  sharpyng  of  old  nayles —  „  —  „  xij 

"  Itm  for  iij  dayes  worke  of  hym  and  his  man  clyukyng  "I  _       -• 
the  gate  hengylls  and  jemews  , I  " 

p.  307.     "  Itm  to  "VVyllm  Pede  for  a  newe  plate  locke...      —  „  ij  „  iiij 

"  Itm  to  the  seyd  pede  for  a  barre  of  yron  y*  closse  bothe  - 
halffe  gats  instede  of  a  tymbyr  barre  w*  certen  dyce 
hede  nayles  and  ryvetts,  as  well  for  settyng  on  of 
the  same  barre,  as  for  pecyng  the  othr  halffe  gate  all 
together  Jy  .  viijlb  [i.  e.  4  score  and  8  lb.]  at  iijd 
thelb - 

"  Itm  to  hym  for  other  yron  worke  for  speryng  [»'.  e.  secur- "} 

ing,  making  safe]  of  the  same  gat  as  barres,  capps,  r  —  „  iij  „  vj 
stapylls,  hoks,  chenys,  hespys  and  oyrthyngsxiiijlb...  J 


•  —  „  xxy  „  — 


out  at  Bishop's  Gates,  to  their  own  no  small  amazement,  and  to  the 
evident  delight  of  the  rebels,  who,  "  greatly  rejoycing  (for  before  they 
were  utterly  unprovided  of  such  things)  carryed  into  the  Campe  carts 
loaden  with  gunnes,  gunpowder,  and  all  kinde  of  instruments  of 
warre :" l  Captain  Drury,  however,  came  upon  them  with  his  band, 
and  recovered  part  from  the  enemy,  yet  not  without  some  loss. 

p.  313.  "  Itm  pd  to  John  Porter  surgeon  for  helyng  of  ^ 

certen  of  Capt.  Drurys   men,  which  war  hurt  at  i  _  .j.      -j. 

Bishops  gate  the  same  night  that  my  lord  of  Warwyk  f 
enterd  the  Cyte -J 

"  Itm  to  Capteyn  Drurys  Surgeon  —  „  vj  „  viij 

"  Itm  to  vj  of  Capteyn  Drurys  men  2 —  „  vj  „  — " 

He  lost  also  some  of  the  shot, — a  loss  which  the  citizens  speedily 
helped  to  remedy  : — 

p.  304.    "  Impms  pd  for  lede  ijc  iijirs  xj11'  dd  [i.  e.  delivered]  ->, 
the  fyrst  nyght  to  the  Master  of  the  Ordinance  to  | 
make  Gonshotte  for  so  moche  as  the  shot  of  dyvers  *> —  „  xiiij  „  iij 
peces  war  takyn  by  the  rebells  the  fyrst  nyght  at 
Va  C J 

"  Itm  to  ij  men  y*  sought  for  fremasons  and  joyners  to  ~)  _ 

make  moulds..  .  )        "       "      J 

Wood's  Translation.  2  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts. 

Itm  to  hym  for  a  hangyng  locke  \_i.  e.  a  padlock]  w'  a      _ 

_.    . 
keye  for  y<=  forsayd  barre  y'  closse  in  both  gats  ...... 

"  Itm  to  hym  for  settyng  on  of  all  ye  forsayd  yron  worke  )  _ 

and  clynkyng  the  same  ...................................  j        "  "  " 

p.  309.  Town  Walls. 

"  Itm  to  a  Mason  stoppyng  in  certen  holls  \i.  e.  holes]  ^ 
in  the  walls  betwyxt  St.  Stephyns  and  St.  Gylys's  [ 
Gates,    which    ware   broken   open    at   my  lord   of  f       "  "IJ  "  ~ 
Warwicks  comyng,  to  hym  and  hys  man    ............  J 

"  Itm  The  Bryck  was  of  comon  store  lyeng  in  the  brasen^ 
To\vr  and  Ston  was  gathered  up  in  the  Town  Dycks 
and   about  the  walls   but   pd   to   ij  poore  men  y«  \-  —  „  —  „  iiij  ' 
gatherd  up  stonys  and  caryed  them  to  the  places  I 
wher  they  was  spent  [_i.  e.  used]  ........................  ) 


"  Item  for  freeston  wherof  was  made  mowlds  and  shote  > 

xijd  for  wood  and  Astyll  [».  e.  round  billets  of  wood]   I  -.       _  , , 

to  melt  ther  lede  xijd  and  to  Stephyn  Screvens  for  f 
bowse  romyth  [».  e.  house  room]  xijd  1 J 

The  rebels,  seeing  the  soldiers  enter  the  City,  began  "  to  assem- 
ble in  companies  in  many  lanes,  where  they  thought  by  little  and  little 
they  might  cutt  off  theyr  enemies.  For  this  purpose  assemblid  a 
greate  Company  in  a  brawde2  place  next  Christ  Church,"  or  the 
Cathedral,  "  callyd  Tomblonde,  and  soe  devyded  themselves  in  iij 
companies."  Some  of  them  stood  in  Saint  Andrew's ;  others  near 
Saint  Michael's,  Coslany ;  and  others  near  Saint  Simon's,  and  Saint 
Peter's  Hungate,  "  by  the  Elme  and  about  the  Hyll  next  the  Corner  " 
of  the  building,  "  late  the  black  fryars,"  3  now  Saint  Andrew's  Hall, 
all  "  in  battell  array."  There,  setting  suddenly  upon  some  of  our  men, 
they  slew  three  or  four  gentlemen  before  help  could  come.  This  being- 
made  known  in  the  market-place,  Warwick  immediately  went  thither 
with  all  his  forces,  and,  having  passed  through  Saint  John's  Madder- 
market  Street,  came  to  Saint  Andrew's,  where  the  rebels  unexpectedly, 
with  their  bowmen,  discharged  "  a  mighty  force  of  arrowes,4  as  flakes 
of  snow  in  a  tempest."  5  While  they  were  yet  shooting,  Captain 
Drury  came  suddenly  a  second  time,  with  his  band  of  arquebusiers, 
young  men  of  excellent  courage  and  skill,  "  who  payed  them  home 
againe  with  such  a  terrible  volly  of  shot  (as  if  it  had  been  a  storm  of 
hayle)  and  put  them  all  to  flight,  as  in  a  moment,  trembling."  3 
There  were  slain  at  this  skirmish  about  three  hundred  and  thirty ; 6 
in  addition  to  whom  many,  being  found  creeping  in  the  neighbouring 
churchyards  and  under  the  walls,  were  taken  and  put  to  death.  The 
rest,  "  through  the  waye  and  Christ  Church  were  soe  pursuid,  that 
they  fled  "  to  their  Camp,  and  "  soe  within  one  half  hower  were  all 
driven  out."  3 

1  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts.          2  I.  e.  "  broad."          *  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

4  Four  pages  in  Nev.  de  Furor.  Norfolc.  (131 — 134  inclusive)  gave  such  offence 
to  the  Welsh,  that  they  are  usually  omitted.  The  copy  used  by  Blomefield  did  not  con- 
tain these  pages.  6  "Wood's  Translation. 

6  N.  Sotherton  says  the  number  was  "a  C  or  there  abowt."  It  is  not,  however,  clear, 
whether  he  means  those  slain  in  the  engagement,  or  those  killed  immediately  after. 


Warwick,  the  better  to  guard  the  City,  caused  the  walls  to  be 
manned ;  troops  to  be  placed  in  every  street,  and  all  the  City  gates, 
with  the  exception  of  one  or  two,  to  be  blocked  up  :  while  the  autho- 
rities had  the  Cross  in  the  market-place  lighted  up  each  night,  until 
the  rebellion  was  suppressed  : 

"  Itm  for  xvjlb  candyll  brent1  abought  the  Crosse  in  the  ")  _       ..      »j.  „ 
market  the  iiij  fyrste  nyghts  2 5 

The  soldiers  having  carried  out  great  store  of  ordnance,  ready, to  be 
conveyed  the  next  day  to  Household,  Kett's  company,  supposing  them 
greatly  distressed  for  powder,  and  other  necessaries  ;  perceiving  also  that 
there  were  only  a  few  Welshmen  standing  by  the  carriages  and  carts, 
who  evidently  were  not  expecting  any  assault ;  and  greatly  despising 
them  (both  because  of  their  small  company,  and  as  being  unable  to 
resist  if  attacked  by  a  large  force  rushing  down  the  hill),  they  thought 
a  good  opportunity  was  offered  of  doing  some  notable  exploit. 

Accordingly,  while  Warwick's  soldiers  were  hindered  with  other 
matters,  one  Myles,  a  man  very  skilful  in  discharging  ordnance, 
watching  his  opportiinity,  shot  the  King's  master  gunner  :  when  they 
saw  he  had  fallen,  some  of  them  unarmed,  others  armed  with  staves, 
bills,  and  pitchforks,  running  down  the  hill,  made  an  assault  upon  the 
above-mentioned  Welshmen,  who  at  the  first  encounter  (so  great  was 
their  terror,  and  so  unlooked-for  the  attack),  astonished  and  terrified 
by  their  disordered  cries,  and  the  horrible  noise  they  made,  leaving 
the  baggage  and  carts,  ran  away  on  all  sides,  with  much  noise  and 
great  speed.3  When  these  had  been  thus  put  to  flight,  the  rebels  took 
and  carried  away  to  the  Camp  the  ordnance  they  found  there,  and 
the  carts  laden  with  all  things  necessary  for  the  war,  before  help  could 
come.  This  success  proved  very  hurtful  to  Warwick's  men,  since 
afterwards  they  wanted  those  things  they  had  lost,  while  Kett's 
gunners  discharged  often  the  ordnance  they  had  taken,  and  battered 
the  City  grievously. 

It  is  interesting,  after  recording  the  above  display  of  valour,  to 
notice  here  how  mistaken  was  the  view  taken  of  these  insurgents  by 

1  7.  e.  "  burnt."         2  City  Chamb.  Accts  p.  304.         3  This  was  the  offensive  passage. 


Somerset,  as  appears  from  the  following  letter  to  Sir  Philip  Hoby, 
written  24  Aug.,  1549 : l 

*  *  "  Th  erle  of  Warwicke  lieth  nere  to  the  Eebells  in  Nor- 
ffolke,  which  faint  now  and  wold  have  grace  gladly,  so  that  all  might 
be  pardoned,  Ket  and  the  other  Archtraitours  in  the  number.  Upon 
that  is  a  staie.  And  thei  dalie  shrinke  so  fast  awaie,  that  there  is 
great  hope  thei  will  leave  their  Capitaynes  destitute  and  alone  to 
receive  their  worthy  reward.  The  which  is  the  thing  we  most  desire, 
to  spare  as  much  as  may  be  th'  effusion  of  bloud,  and  that  namely  of 
our  owne  nation."  *  *  *  "  The  Ruffians  emonge  them  and  soldiers, 
which  be  the  movers  and  chiefe  doers,  loke  for  spoyle.  So  that  it 
seemethe  no  other  thing  but  a  plage 2  and  a  furie  amonge  the  vilest 
and  worst  sorte  of  men :  for  excepte  onlie  Devon  and  Cornewall,  and 
there  not  past  ij  or  iij,  in  all  other  places  not  ennie  gentilman3  or  man 
of  reputacion  was  ever  amonge  them,  but  against  their  wills  and  as 
prisoners.  In  Norfolke  gentilmen  and  all  farming  men  for  their  sakes 
are  as  well  handeled  as  may  be :  but  this  broyle  is  now  well  aswaged 
and  in  manner  at  a  point  shortly  to  be  fully  ended  with  the  grace  of 

The  rebels  from  that  time  till  they  were  dispersed,  used  the  ord- 
nance they  had  got  possession  of,  to  such  purpose,  that  numbers  were 
slain,  especially  at  Bishop's  Gate,  where  they  did  "  shoote  downe  a 
Tower,  which  slew  many  that  there  garded."  4  Though,  however,  the 
shot  were  flying  in  all  directions,  either  by  chance  or  of  set  purpose, 
or,  most  probably,  from  the  rashness  and  ignorance  of  the  gunners, 
who  levelled  somewhat  too  high,  the  shot  mounted  over  the  tops  of 
the  houses,  without  doing  so  much  harm  as  might  have  been  expected  : 
had  it  not  been  for  this,  the  greater  part  of  the  City  would  have  been 
beaten  down,  and,  it  may  be,  utterly  destroyed.  And  the  general 
opinion  was,  that  the  loss  at  that  time  would  have  been  worse,  had 
not  Capt.  Drury  succeeded  in  recovering  a  considerable  portion  of 
what  had  been  driven  away. 

Warwick  "  wardid  the  breach  more  strongly,"  at  Bishop's  Gate, 

1  Harl.  MSS.  No.  523,  p.  52.       2 1.  e.  "  plague."        3  See  App.  (S).       4  N.  Sotherton. 



"and  kept  ye  Rebellis  owte  all  that  nyghte,"1  Saturday,  Aug.  24th, 
and  "  appoynted  the  Lord  Willowby  with  others  to  ward  that  streete 
and  gate ;"  2  "  and  so  compassed  and  fortifyed  all  places,  as  the  same 
night  hee  cut  off  from  the  enemy  all  entrance  into  the  Citie." 3 

Sotherton,  having  stated  that  the  rehels  were  kept  out  all  night, 
subsequently  says  that  they  entered  (or,  more  correctly,  crossed  the 
river  at  Conisford,  or  into  King  Street)  the  City  the  same  night,  and 
thus  contradicts  both  Nevylle  and  himself.  The  two  accounts  may  be 
reconciled  by  assuming  this  incursion  to  have  commenced  in  the 
night,  and  the  fires  to  have  begun  early  in  the  morning,  and  to  have 
continued  raging  throughout  Sunday  :  Sotherton  says  that  Warwick, 
having,  as  already  mentioned,  taken  every  precaution  to  secure 
Bishop's  Gate,  and  then  partaken  at  Mr.  Steward's  of  "  a  Cawdell 
drinking  for  a  quarter  of  an  hower,  returned  agen  to  apoynt  the 
watch  till  x  of  the  clocke,"  and  that  "  about  this  tyme  the  Eebellis 
attryed'1  to  enter  about  Conforth 5  and  certeyne  coming  over  the 
water  did  set  dyvers  howses  in  South  Confort  on  fire,  where  was 
burnid  a  whole  parish  or  too  °  on  both  sides  the  waye 7  with  much 
corne  and  marchantryes  and  stuffe,"  stored  up  at  the  Common  Staith, 
"and  would  have  gon  further  had  they  not  bin  expulsid,  for  they 
rnent  to  burne  the  whole  Cittye.  Notwithstanding,  the  fire  was  suffrid 
to  burne  to  the  end,  for  that  it  was  suspected  that  their  firing  thereof 
was  only  to  bring  ye  Company  to  quench  it  whylst  they,  the  Rebellis, 
might  attempt  the  like  in  another  place  or  ells  enter  to  doe  further 
mischeefe." 8 

A  fearful  and  trying  day  must  this  Sunday  have  been  :  a  great 
fire  raging  in  King  Street ;  numbers  of  the  insurgents  committing 
what  havoc  they  pleased,  in  this  part  of  the  City ;  while  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Bishop  Bridge  immense  numbers  were  watching  for  an 

1  /.  e.  out  of  the  city  at  this  particular  part,  but  not  out  of  the  rest  of  it,  as  will  be 
seen  immediately. 

2  Nicholas  Sotherton.  3  Wood's  Translation.  4  I.  e.  "  tried." 

5  Conisford  Street,  which  gave  the  name  to  Conisford  Great  Ward,  is  now  called 
King  Street.  6  j  e  «  tw0i» 

'  I.  e.  "  street,"  now  King  Street.  8  Nicholas  Sotherton. 


opportunity  to  force  an  entrance.  But  no  account  of  the  day's  fight- 
ing has  come  down  to  us,  though  Sotherton's  word  "  expulsid,"  and 
the  fact  that  the  fire  was  restricted  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Common  Staith,  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  insurgents  were  con- 
fined to  this  quarter,  and  in  the  end  compelled  to  withdraw.  Some 
attempt,  to  judge  by  the  following  from  the  City  Chamberlain's 
Accompts  {see  also  Appendix  (I),  City  Chamb.  Ace.  p.  3056},  was 
made  to  check  this  fire  : 

p.  304.     "  Item  to  ij  men  y'  caryed  the  Cyte  crome  l  to  ")  _  •••• ,, 

the  comon  Stathe  whan  yl  was  on  ffyer ) 

When  these  things  befel  the  citizens,  so  "  great  astonishment 
and  sorrow  strooke  many  men's  mindes,"  that  "  languishing  through 
despaire  and  feare,  they  almost  faynted,  now  devoide  of  all  counsell."1 
They  came  to  Warwick,  and  as  the  City  was  so  large,  and  all  the 
gates 3  either  broken  open  or  burnt  down ;  while  the  number  of  his 
men  was  but  few,  and  the  power  of  the  enemy  great,  and  not  to  be 
resisted,  therefore,  they  humbly  besought  him,  "  to  consult  his  own 
safety,  to  leave  the  City,  and  not  suffer  the  matter  to  be  brought  to 
utter  extremity :"  or,  to  use  Sotherton's  words,  "  The  best  [of  the 
citizens]  advised  [him]  to  depart  til  furder  puissance," — a  statement 
that  shows  plainly  how  mistaken  Somerset  was  in  thinking,  or  at  least 
asserting,  as  we  have  just  found  him  doing,  that  they  were  "  dalie 
shrinking  fast  awaie."  Warwick  being  a  man  of  great  and  invincible 
courage,  valiant,  and  mighty  in  arms,  and  one  that  thought  scorn  of 
the  least  infamy,  replied,  "  What,  are  ye  so  soone  dismaid  ?  and  is  so 
great  a  mist  on  the  sudden  come  over  your  mindes,  which  hath  taken 
away  the  edge  of  your  courage,  that  you  would  either  desire  this  thing, 
or  think  it  can  come  to  passe  while  I  am  alive,  that  I  should  forsake 
the  City  ?  I  will  first  suffer  fire,  sword,  finally,  all  extremity,  before 
I  will  bring  such  a  stayne  of  infamy  and  shame,  either  upon  my  selfe 
or  you  :" 2  or,  more  briefly,  he  "  valiantly  answerid  by  God's  grace  not 

1  A  large  ponderous  crome  or  hook  on  a  long  stout  shaft,  used  for  pulling  down  a 
house  when  on  fire,  to  prevent  the  flames  spreading  to  other  buildings. 

2  Wood's  Translation.  3  See  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  Appendix  (I). 

T  2 


to  depart  the  Cittye,  but  would  deliver  it  or  leave  his  life."  ]  "With 
these  words  he  drew  his  sword,  as  did  also  the  rest  of  the  nobles,  who 
were  all  there  gathered  together,  and  "  commanded  after  a  warlike 
manner  (and  as  is  usually  done  in  greatest  danger),  that  they  should 
kiss  one  another's  sword,  making  the  signe  of  the  holy  crosse,  and  by 
an  oath,  and  solemne  promise  by  word  of  mouth,  every  man  to  binde 
liimselfe  to  other,  not  to  depart  from  the  City  before  they  had  utterly 
banished  the  enemie,  or  else  fighting  manfully  had  bestowed  their 
lives  cheerfully  for  the  King's  Majestic."1 

While  these  things  were  taking  place,  "  where  least  was  thought 
began  dyvers  Rebellists  to  enter  the  Cittie  in  the  furdest 3  parte  whoe 
wer  cum  as  far  as  the  bridges," l  where  they  were  speedily  encountered 
by  our  men,  and  with  many  killed  and  wounded,  were  driven  back  again. 

Hereupon  Warwick,  the  better  to  hinder  the  rebels  altogether 
from  entering  the  City,  commanded  the  bridge  "  callyd  the  Whyt 
Fryars  bridge  "  to  be  "broken  cleneup,  and  soe  "  would  the  rest  have 
been  "  had  not  bin  reasonable  cawse  shewid." :  Certain  citizens 
dwelling  near  it,  subsequently  rebuilt  this  bridge  at  their  sole  expense, 
with  the  exception  of  the  following  : 

"  Itrn    the    Chargis    for    rnakyng    ageyn    the   whyte  >, 
ffryers   brydge   was   payd   by   certan   Inhabytants  | 
dwellyng  nere  ther,  but  pd  to  Wyllm  Spratte  for  all  }• —  „  vj  „  viij 
ehargis  of  plankys  nayles  and  workeinanshyppe  of  I 
plancheryng  4  of  the  same  brydge  5 J    < 

"  Itm  for  makyng  of  the  Whyte  ffryars  Brydge6 —  „  xl  „  — " 

"After  this,  because  many  souldiours  had  not  bin  lodgid  nor 
howsid  a  good  space,  was  every  man's  howse  appoyntid  to  receive  a 
company,  the  better  to  make  them  harty ;"  and  before  they  went  "  to 
theyr  beds,"  they  "  had  victuals  furnished,  which  encouragid  them 
much :  then  did  every  man  take  furth 7  his  stuffe  and  other  things 
before  hydden  in  placis,  to  defend  fier,8  to  minister  [to]  the  nedis 9  of 
theis  men.  And  now,  for  that  the  Lord  Lieuetenant  had  taken  up 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  Wood's  Translation.  3    I.  e.  "  furthest." 

4  I.  e.  "laying  with  planks."  b  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  309. 

6  Id.  p.  3126.  ?  I.  e.  "  bring  forth." 

8  I.  e.  "  to  ward  off  fire,"  or  defend  them  from  fire.        9  I.  e.  "  needs  "  or  "  wants." 


Mr.  Awsten  Stewards  howse  and  sett  his  arms  on  the  gate,  did  other 
Lords  and  Squires  and  Gentlemen  the  like,  and  for  the  tyme  tooke 
each  mans  howse  as  there  owne  till  theyr  departure,  when  for  joy  of 
the  Victory  every  man  set  up  the  ragged  staffe  uppon  theyr  gates  and 
doores  in  the  Lord  Lieuetenants  honour,  which  soe  continued  many 
years  after :  and  soe  savely l  continued  that  daye." 2 

"  And  all  places  else  "  were  carefully  guarded,  "  and  especially 
the  gates  (because  for  the  most  part  they  were  all  either  broken 
downe,  or  else  fired),"  which  "  were  delivered  in  charge  to  men  of 
courage,  and  experienced  in  warlike  affairs,  to  bee  defended  upon 
every  sudden  occasion,  whereby  it  came  to  pass,  that  all  the  desperate 
and  night  incursions  of  the  enemie  were  voide  and  of  none  effect," 
and  the  City  continued  safe  till  Monday,  the  xxvjth  of  August,  when 
"  the  Lord  Lieuetenant  being  at  dinner,  cam  about  x  or  xj  hundred 
Lance  Knights,  which  after  they  had  discharged  their  peeces  to  shew 
theyr  cominge,  were  allsoe  lodgid  in  divers  howsis,  with  many  of  their 
wives  that  came  with  them;"  3  the  troops  and  citizens  showed  their 
joy,  the  former  by  firing  many  volleys,  and  the  latter  by  liberally  and 
courteously  entertaining  them ;  whose  arrival,  as  it  revived  the  hearts 
of  the  soldiers,  and  stirred  them  up  to  a  sure  hope  of  accomplishing 
the  matter  in  hand ;  so  it  cast  down  the  hearts  of  the  rebels,  who 
were  now  confounded  and  terrified  with  new  fears,  and  looked  upon 
their  future  overthrow  as  probable,  if  not  certain. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  insurgents,  influenced  by  what  had 
occurred  on  Northampton's  coming,  thought  their  best  chance  of 
success  lay  in  assailing  Warwick's  army  as  speedily  as  possible,  before 
their  own  forces  became  diminished  by  desertions.  "  And  surely,  as 
they  forsooke  the  good  and  mighty  God ;  so  againe,  being  despised 
and  rejected  of  him,  they  gave  over  themselves  bond-slaves  to  the 
devill ;  who,  bewitching  their  mindes  with  an  old  wife's  superstition, 
brought  it  to  passe,  that  being  intangled  with  the  blind  illusions  of 
soothsayers,  they  chose  a  certayne  vally,  not  farre  off,  as  appointed  to 
this  warre  by  destinie ;  although  surely  (as  is  recorded)  there  wanted 

1  I.  e.  "  safely."  2  Nicholas  Sotherton,  3  "Wood's  Translation. 


not  strange  and  evident  tokens  of  God's  heavy  displeasure  against 
them :  for  a  snake  leaping  out  of  a  rotten  tree,  did  spring  directly 
into  the  bosome  of  Kett's  wife ;  which  thing  stroke  not  so  much  the 
hearts  of  many  with  an  horrible  feare,  as  it  filled  Kett  himselfe  with 
doubtfull  cares."  l 

If,  however,  there  were  omens  to  terrify,  there  were  also  prophe- 
cies to  encourage  them ;  in  this  time  of  perplexity,  when  they  were 
anxiously  "  devizing  what  were  best  to  doe  for  victory,"  they  fell  back 
on  these  "  fayned  prophecies  which  were  phantastically  devisid,"  3  but 
still  exercising  wondrous  influence  over  that  vast  multitude.  The 
language  in  which  they  were  couched  might  be  obscure,  as  in  the  one 
recorded  at  p.  6 ;  or  the  words  might  be  homely  and  the  promise  con- 
tained in  them  be  as  ambiguous  as  those  uttered  by  older  and  more 
famous  soothsayers ;  still  there  was  a  charm,  and  mystery,  a  mighty 
power  in  them  ;  and  often  had  the  rebels  caused  them  "  to  bee  openly 
proclaimid  in  the  markit  and  other  placis/  as  matters  of  greate 
tryall," 3  or  as  proofs  that  their  enterprise  must  prosper ;  as  the  foun- 
dation on  which  they  were  building,  and  on  which  they  would  have 
others  rest,  their  hope  of  ultimate  success.  With  these  they  en- 
couraged one  another,  "  often  speaking  of  them,  for  false  prophets 
almost  every  houre  instilled  such  fopperies1  into  their  eares;"1  with 
these  their  souls  were  roused  to  the  highest  fury,  and  elated  with  the 
most  extravagant  joy  and  gladness ;  for  these  held  out  to  them,  as 
they  fondly  believed,  the  assurance  of  victory  for  themselves,  and 
utter  destruction  to  their  opponents.  The  following  were  those  which 
had,  especially,  this  power : 

"  The  country  gnoffes, 5  Hob,  Dick,  and  Hick, 
"With  clubbea  and  clouted  shoon6 
Shall  fill  the  vale 
Of  Dussinsdale 
With  slaughter'd  bodies  soon." 

1  Wood's  Translation.  2  Nicholas  Sotherton. 

3  For  this  use  of  the  word  "  tryall,"  see  p.  44,  where  the  Lady  Mary  says  she 
"  trusts  her  household  should  try,"  or  prove,  "  themselves  true  subjects  to  the  King's 
majesty."  4  "  Ineptias." — Nevylle. 

8  I.  e.  "  churls,"  "  fools."— H.  PMWps's  World  of  Words.  6  See  p.  5. 

9»W%    * 

'•  *.R*,l       A 

u  * 

3>  :»*.>** 


While  another  was — 

"  The  heedless  men  within  the  dale 
Shall  there  be  slain  both  great  and  small."  l 

"  Such  was  their  preposterous  stupidity,  in  applying  these  equi- 
vocating prophecies  to  their  delusion,  that,  believing  Dussin's  dale 
must  make  a  large  and  soft  pillow  for  death  to  rest  on,  and  vainly 
apprehending  themselves  the  upholsterers  to  make,  who  proved  only 
the  stuffing  to  fill  the  same  ;" l  they,  heing  fed  with  this  vain  belief, 
determined  to  forsake  the  hill  they  had  hitherto  occupied,  so  advan- 
tageously for  themselves,  and  so  greatly  to  the  injury  of  others,  and 
where,  too,  the  Earl's  horsemen  would  not  have  been  able  to  act 
against  them.  There  was  this  additional  circumstance  which  had 
also  no  little  weight  with  them :  Warwick  "  had  so  stopped  up  the 
passages  that  no  victuals  could  come  to  their  Camp,  and  the  want 
thereof  began  already  to  pinch  them." l  "  Therefore  all  their  dennes 
and  lurking  places  every  where,  which  they  had  made  on  moushold 
of  tymber  and  other  provision,  were  now  set  on  fire,  and  the  smoke 
rising  from  so  many  places,  distant  one  from  another,  seemed  to  bring 
night  almost  upon  the  whole  skeyes,2  and  covered  the  plaines  with 
thick  darknesse."  The  Camp,  on  Monday,  August  26th,  was  broken 
up,4  and  with  "  twenty  ancients  and  enseignes  of  warre "  they 
marched  to  Dussin's  dale,6  the  battle-field  they  had  accepted  at  the 
mouth  of  their  prophets ;  and  all  that  day  and  night  were  they 
occupied  in  removing  "their  ordinance  and  munition  and  all  other 

1  Blomefield's  Norfolk.  2  /.  e.  "  skies." 

3  "Wood's  Translation.      "  Cum  vexillis  ac  signis  militaribus  viginti  perrexerunt." — 

4  "  Th"  erle  of  Warwic     *     *     entred  into  the  towne  of  Norwich,  wich  having  wone 
it  was  so  weke  that  he  cold  scarcely  defend  it,  and  oftentimes  the  rebels  came  into  the 
stretis  killing  divers  of  his  mene,  and  ware  repulsed  again,  ye  [_i.  e.  yea]  and  the  townes- 
men  were  gieven  to  mischief  themselfis.      So  having  endured  ther  assaultis  three  dayes 
and  stoped  there  vitailes,  the  rebels  were  constrained  for  lake  [*.  e.  lack]  of  meat  to 
remove." — Edward  VliKs  Journal. 

5  It  is  conjectured  by  the  Eev.  A.  P.  Stanley,  in  his  interesting  paper  "  On  the  part 
taken  by  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  in  the  Reformation"  (Archseol.  Inst.  1847),  that  this  is  the 
valley  commonly  called  Ossian's  Vale. 


things  clene  from  that  place  they  were  in  before,  and  devysed  trenches 
and  stakes  wherein  they  and  theyrs  were  intrenched,  and  set  up 
greate  bulwarks  of  defence  before  and  abowte,  placid  their  ordinance 
all  about  them," l  dug  a  ditch  across  the  highway,  and  "  cut  off  all 
passage,  pitching  their  javelins  and  stakes  in  the  ground  before 
them :  " z  and  "that  the  Gentylmen,  the  pryseners,3  shuld  not  escape, 
they  toke  them  owte  of  theyr  prysons  in  Surry  place,  and  carried 
them  to  the  seid  Dussens  dale  with  them,  which  was  not  past  a  mile 
of*  and  somewhat  more."  l 

When  Warwick  had  "intelligence"  of  this  "by  ye  watch  in 
Christ  Church  steeple,"  l  he  also  determined  to  try  the  fortune  of  war, 
that  he  might,  if  possible,  subdue  by  force  those  whom  by  lenity  and 
patience  he  could  not  persuade  to  accept  his  offers  of  pardon.  There- 
fore the  day  following,  Tuesday,  August  27th,  "with  1000  almains 
and  al  his  horsemen,  leaving  th'english  footmen  in  the  towne,"  5  he 
inarched  against  them  through  Coslany,  or  St.  Martin's  at  Oak  Gate, 
accompanied  by  the  Marquis  of  Northampton,  Lords  Willoughby, 
Grey  of  Powis,  Bray,  Ambrose  Dudley,  Warwick's  son,  and  "  besides 
of  noble  and  valiant  men  a  choise  company." 

Before  they  arrived  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  WTarwick  sent  Sir 
Edmund  Knyvet,  Sir  Thomas  Palmer,  and  two  others  with  them,  to 
inquire  "  whether  they  would  leave  off  their  furies,  and  forsake  their 
wickednesse,  crueltie,  and  purpose  of  making  warre  against  their 
countrie  now  at  the  last ;  for  so  great  and  incredible  was  the  goodnesse 
and  clemency  of  the  King's  Majestie,  that  although  with  an  impietie 
(never  to  be  forgotten)  they  had  abused  his  Majestie  and  dignitie,  and 
stained  themselves  with  everlasting  notes  of  villanie,  yet  he  had 
commanded  once  again  to  bee  offered  unto  them  peace  and  pardon 
(notwithstanding  all  that  they  had  committed),  yea,  to  every  of  them 
(one  or  two  excepted)  so  as  they  would  turne  to  dutie  now  at  the  last 
(being  ledde  with  repentance)  from  this  course  of  malice  and  wicked- 
nesso ;  but  if  they  purposed  peevishly  and  ungodly  to  persist  in  their 
rnadnesse,  and  to  trie  the  end,  now  let  them  know,  there  was  come  at 

1  Nicholas  Sotherton.  2  Wood's  Translation.  3  I.  e.  "  prisoners." 

4  I.  e.  «  off."  5  Edward  Sixth's  Journal. 


the  last  the  just  punishment  of  their  foolish  lightnesse  and  disloyaltie ; 
and  Warwicke  himselfe,  although  late,  yet  the  sure  revenger  of  so 
horrible  a  conspiracie."  l 

Hereunto  they  all  stoutly  made  one  answer — "  That  they  would 
not."  l 

Warwick,  having  received  this  reply,  briefly  exhorted  his 
soldiers,  who  are  described  as  having  been  very  eager  for  the  fray, 
"  That  they  should  valiantly  invade  the  enemie,  and  cast  no  doubts, 
but  repute  and  take  the  company  of  rebels  which  they  saw,  not  for 
men,  but  bruit  beasts,  indued  with  all  crueltie.  Neither  let  them 
suppose,  that  they  were  come  out  to  fight,  but  to  take  punishment, 
and  should  speedily  require  it  at  the  hands  of  these  most  ungratious 
robbers ;  that  they  should  lay  even  with  the  ground,  afflict,  punish, 
and  utterly  root  out  the  baine  of  their  country,  the  overthrow  of 
Christian  religion  and  dutie.  Finally,  most  cruell  beasts,  and  striving 
against  the  King's  Majestic,  with  an  irrecoverable  madnesse."  1 

When  he  had  thus  spoken,  because  the  enemy  were  near  at  hand, 
he  gave  the  signal  for  battle ;  but  they,  perceiving  the  troops  coming 
against  them,  so  disposed  their  company,  as  to  place  in  the  front  rank 
all  the  gentlemen,  whom  they  had  carried  with  them,  after  the 
manner  of  condemned  persons,  chained  together  and  bound  with 
fetters.  This  they  did  in  order  that  they  might  be  slain  by  Warwick's 
men  ;  but  through  the  courage  of  the  soldiers,  it  turned  out  otherwise 
than  they  had  anticipated,  so  that  they  almost  all  escaped  safe ;  for 
Myles,  Kett's  master  gunner,  and  one  very  skilful  in  that  art,  having 
with  an  iron  bullet  struck  the  King's  standard-bearer  through  the 
thigh,  and  the  horse  he  rode  on  through  the  shoulder,  so  that  both 
died  with  the  same  shot ;  the  soldiers,  being  much  grieved,  and  at  the 
same  time  excited  by  this  loss,  discharged  their  pieces  with  such  a  terri- 
ble volley  of  shot,  that  it  brake  their  ranks,  and  threw  them  into  such 
confusion  as  enabled  the  gentlemen,  who  were  in  the  front  of  the 
battle,  to  fly  and  escape  the  storm  that  was  raging  around  them. 
When  the  horsemen  perceived  the  rebels  thus  scattered  and  put  to 

1  Wood's  Translation. 


flight  "  with  the  often  shot  of  the  gunners  and  harquebusiers,"  they, 
suddenly  and  "  with  all  their  troops,  charged ;  whereupon,  instead 
of  abiding  the  incounter,  they  like  sheep  confusedly  ran  away  head- 
long, as  quickly  as  they  could.  But  through  the  noise  and  cry  of  our 
men  following,  even  now  in  the  last  obstinacy  of  treason,  when  their 
fierce  and  boyling  mindes  had  taken  up,  I  wot  not  what  secret  flames 
of  hatred  and  griefe  (as  wilde  beasts)  being  turned  from  their  despera- 
tion, and  remembrance  of  their  villanies,  into  rage  and  madnesse ; 
(returning  speedily  from  their  flight)  they  with  deadly  obstinacy 
withstood  our  men  a  little  while ;  such,  however,  was  the  force  of  the 
shot,  and  the  eagerness  of  our  men  to  rush  upon  them  (for  like 
unbridled  horses,  being  greedy  of  the  victory,  they  broke  into  the  host 
of  the  enemy),  that  Kett's  army  being  beaten  downe,  and  overthrowne 
on  every  side  (with  the  hot  assault)  were  almost  with  no  labour  driven 
from  their  standing."  l 

It  was  a  trying  time  for  Kett :  the  good  discipline  of  the  troops 
that  had  come  against  him ;  the  large  number  of  the  Earl's  forces ; 
and  the  conviction  that  must  have  forced  itself  upon  his  mind,  that 
his  own  disorderly  followers  could  not  hope  to  prevail,  or  that  if  they 
did,  other  and  still  better  troops  would  undoubtedly  be  found  by  the 
King  and  his  Council :  all  these,  as  he  looked  around,  as  the  battle 
raged  yet  more  and  more  fiercely,  as  the  shouts  of  the  victorious 
troops  burst  upon  his  ear,  and  his  followers  were  fleeing  on  every  side, 
led  him,  being  "  joynd  with  v  or  vj  Rebellis,"  to  flee  himself: — and 
bitter  are  the  words  of  Nevylle  as  he  describes  this  want  of  courage 
on  the  part  of  Kett :  "  As  he  had  been  a  bold  leader  in  wicked- 
ness, so  he  showed  himself  a  cowardly  commander  on  the  battle  field  : 
for  when  he  saw  every  thing  going  against  him ;  the  ranks  broken ; 
his  men  driven  asunder;  whilst  our  forces  were  fiercely  bearing 
down  upon  them ;  that  there  was  no  hope  either  of  safety  or 
aid ;  being  perplexed  in  mind,  and  agitated  by  the  consciousness 
of  his  exceeding  villany ;  betaking  himself  to  flight,  he  secretly 
fled  from  the  battle  field."  As  soon  as  this  became  known,  the 

1  "Wood's  Translation. 


spirit  of  the  rebels  was  broken  ;  they  "fainted  and  waxed  colde."1 
At  first  they  murmured  and  secretly  complained ;  then  they  cried 
out ;  and  at  last  they  began  to  run  away  on  every  side.  Our 
horsemen  followed  swiftly,  and  made  a  great  slaughter,  for  there 
were  slain  about  three  thousand  and  five  hundred,  and  a  great 
many  wounded.2  The  rebels  perceiving  this,  and  believing  all 
hope  of  pardon  to  be  utterly  taken  away,  waxing  bold,  they  urged 
on  one  another,  in  that  hour  of  despair,  to  die  boldly,  as  die 
they  must.  With  obstinate  courage  they  presently  recovered  them- 
selves by  companies  from  their  flight,  and  showed  plainly  they 
intended  to  renew  the  battle,  affirming  "  That  they  had  rather  die 
manfully  in  fight,  than  flying,  to  be  slain  like  sheep."1  "After, 
when  they  had  furnished  themselves  with  swords  and  other  weapons, 
which  lay  scattered  upon  the  ground,  every  where  among  the  heapes 
of  the  dead  bodies ;  had  pitched  in  the  ground  before  them  speares, 
javelins,  and  sharpe  stakes  ;  and  so  arranged  their  carts  and  carriages 
as  to  form  a  secure  and  excellent  barricade ;  they  swore,  either  to 
other,  to  spend  in  that  place  their  lives  manfully,  or  else  at  the  length 
to  get  the  victory.  Therefore,  when  they  had  drunke  either  to  other 
(for  that  was  in  signe  of  good  lucke,  and  of  their  mindes  vowed  to 
death),  with  prayers  and  vowes,  made  after  a  solemne  manner,  they 
fortified  themselves  to  the  battell.  Warwick,  understanding  this, 
sent  a  Herald,  willing  them  to  lay  downe  their  weapons,  which 
if  they  would  yet  do,  they  should  escape  unpunished :  if  otherwise, 
they  should  all  of  them,  even  to  the  last  man,  perish.  They  answered 
againes  '  That  they  would  willingly  lay  down  their  weapons,  if  they 
were  perswaded  that  that  promise  of  impunity  would  prove 
for  their  safety ;  but  they  had  had  already  experience  of  their 
cruelty  upon  their  companions,  which  was  to  them  an  undoubted 
signe,  as  they  firmly  believed,  that  this  mention  of  pardon,  deceitfully 
offered  by  the  nobles,  was  made  only  in  order  that  they,  being  by 
a  false  and  vain  hope  of  mercy  (as  by  snares)  circumvented  and  over- 

1  "Wood's  Translation. 

2  "Warwick  "overcam  them  in  plaine  battaile,  killing  2000  of  them." — Edward 
Vl.tVs  Journal. 

u  2 


come,  should  all  at  the  last  be  led  to  torture  and  death.  And  that 
in  truth,  whatsoever  might  be  pretended,  they  knew  well  and  perceived 
this  pardon  to  bee  nothing  else  but  a  cask  full  of  ropes  and  halters, 
and  therefore  die  they  would.'  "  l 

This  answer  being  returned,  Warwick  is  reported  to  have  been 
grieved  at  the  thought  of  so  many  perishing,  and,  under  the  influence 
of  compassion  towards  them,  he  sent  again  to  inquire,  whether,  if  he 
came  himself  and  gave  his  promise  before  their  faces,  they  would,  then 
lay  down  their  weapons.  They  all  answered,  "  If  that  were  done, 
they  would  beleeve,  and  resign  themselves  to  the  will  and  authority 
of  the  King."  x 

Whereupon,  without  delay,  Warwick  went  to  them,  and  com- 
manded the  herald  openly  to  read  the  King's  commission ;  which  being 
read  (because  therein  pardon  was  most  solemnly  promised  to  all), 
trusting  to  it,  they  laid  down  their  weapons  every  man,  and  all  of 
them,  as  with  one  mouth,  thankfully  cried,  "  God  save  King  Edward  ! 
God  save  King  Edward  !  "  And  thus  many  men  (as  it  were  taken 
out  of  the  jaws  of  death)  were  saved  by  the  wisdom  and  compassion 
of  Warwick.1 

The  battle 2  having  ended  at  "  about  4  of  yc  clocke,"  8  all  the 
prey  the  same  day  was  given  to  the  soldiers,  and  openly  sold  in 
Norwich  market  by  them,  and  they  "  made  good  peniworths  thereof 
in  ye  Cittye."  3  The  following  items  relate  to  this  battle  :— 


1  Item  pd  for  ij  barrelle  bere  dranke  at  the  Crosse  in  the 
market  amongst  the  Soldyers  as  they  came  home  out 
of  the  feld  aftr  that  y l  was  woune 

1  Item  pd  for  fechyng  of  an  yrou  gon  to  the  Guyldhalle  7  _ 

which  ye  accountant  fownde  J        "  1J  " 

'  in  the  Early  w'  out  Seynt  Awstens  gats  yc  next  day  -^ 
aftr  the  feld,  which  in  the  uyght  aftr  he  causyd  to  be  I 
conveyd  into  a  berne  tyll  aftr  Myhelmas,  and  for  [    ~  "  ~~  "  X1J 
howse  rome  and  paynes  yn  pd4  J 

1  Taken  chiefly  from  Wood's  Translation. 

2  For  Somerset's  account  of  this  battle  see  Appendix  (T). 

3  Nicholas  Sotherton.  <  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  304. 


In  this  battle  many  gentlemen  and  some  of  the  chief  inhabitants 
of  the  City  were  slain,  although  they  had  given  money  and  large 
presents  to  the  soldiers  to  spare  their  lives  :  the  following  names  have 
been  preserved : — 

S.  Peter's  Mancroft. 

"  1549.  Robert  Knyvet  Gent.  Son  and  heir  of  Charles  Knyvet, 
slayne  at  Kett's  Campe. 

John  Woods,  Gent.  Will.  Haydon,  Gent.  Rice  Griffin  Esq. 
George  Wagat  of  Northamptonshire.  Rob.  Madat  of  Hertfordshire, 
Sir  Tho.  Woodhouse,  Priest.  Morgain  Corbet,  Gent,  all  slain  in 
Ket's  Insurrection  and  buried  here." l 

St.  Martin's  at  Palace. 

"  Anno  DM  1549. — This  yere  was  the  Comocon  in  Norfk. 

Mr.  George  Hastings  sepultus  26  Augusti. 

Quidam  genosus2  eodem  die  sepultus. 

Thre  of  Capten  druries  gonners  were  buried  the  same  daye. 

Six  men  were  buried  the  same  daye  in  Mr.  Spencer's  gardens." 

St.  Simon  and  St.  Jude. — Register  of  Burials. 

"  Henry  Wylby,  of  Middilton  Hall  in  the  County  of  Warwick, 

Gyles  ITfoster,  of  Temple  Balsall,  in  the  same  county,  Esq. 

Thomas  Lynsye  *  of  Charlcote  in  the  same  county,  Esq. 

Hu,  son  of  5  besyde  Northampton  Esq. 

These  4  esquiers  were  slayne  in  the  Kings  army  on  Mushould 
heath,  the  Tewesday  being  the  xxvijtu  day  of  August  1549  An"  tertio 
Edwardi  Sexti,  and  weare  all  Buryed  in  the  Chancell  of  this  Church 
in  one  Grave." 

1  Blomefield's  Hist,  of  Norwich.     The  register  of  these  is  no  longer  extant. 

2  This  may  be  Henry  Willoughby,  Esq.,  of  "Willoughby,  in  Nottinghamshire,  who  is 
spoken  of  very  highly  by  Holinshed. 

3  I  am  indebted  to  the  Bev.  Alex.  Braddell,  Incumbent,  for  this  interesting  extract. 

4  Probably  "  Lucy  of  Charlcot." 

5  I  would  venture  to  suggest  "  George  Wagat,"  who  is  mentioned  above  by  Blome- 
field  as  coming  from  Northamptonshire. 


We  have  seen  that  Kett  fled  from  the  field  of  battle  :  on  reaching 


Swannington,  about  eight  miles  from  Norwich,  "  his  horse  was  "  so 
"  tirid,"  that  "  hee  "  was  "  forcid  to  take  "  refuge  in  "  a  barne,  where 
was  a  Cart  with  Corne  unlading  :"  from  hence  he  "  was  browt  to  the 
howse  of  one  Mr.  Riches  of  that  towne,"  and  "  though  hee  was  left 
with  a  childe  in  the  howse  vij  or  viij  years  old,"  he  "  had  not  the 
spirit  to  depart  whyles  Mrs.  Riches  was  fetched  from  church,  whome 
though  shee  ratid  for  his  demeanor,  yeat  did  hee  pray  hir  of  coritenta- 
tion,1  and  to  have  meate :  ye  next  morning  about  iiij  of  yc  Clocke  hee 
was  browte  to  the  Lord  Lieuetenants  lodging,  with  such  as  were  sent 
for  him."  Such  is  one  description  ;  another  is  :  "  Presently  there 
were  sent  twenty  horsemen  for  him,  who  finding  him  there  in  his 
wretchedness,  lying  lamenting  and  howling,  pale  for  fear,  doubting 
and  despairing  of  life,  arrested,  and  brought  him  bound  to  Norwich  :"3 
an  account  that  may  be  fairly  considered  as  setting  forth  Nevy lie's 
hostility  to  Kett,  rather  than  the  actual  condition  of  the  fallen  leader 
of  the  "  pore  comons." 

The  same  day,  August  28th,  "  began  judgment  in  the  Castle,  and 
an  inquiry  was  made  of  those  that  had  conspired,  and  many  were 
hanged  and  suffered  grievous  death.  Afterward  nine,  which  were  the 
ringleaders  and  principalls,  were  hanged  on  the  oke  called  '  The  Oke 
of  Reformation  ;'  and  many  companions  with  them  in  these  villanies 
were  hanged,  and  then  presently  cut  downe,  and  falling  upon  the 
earth  (these  are  the  judgments  of  traytors  in  our  countrey),  first 
*  *  *  *  then  their  bowels  pulled  out  alive,  and  cast  into  the  fire, 
then  their  head  is  cut  off,  and  their  bodies  quartered :  the  head  set 
upon  a  pole  and  fixed  on  the  tops  of  the  towers  of  the  City,  the  rest 
of  the  body  bestowed  upon  severall  places,  and  set  up  to  the  terror  of 
other.  But  these  wilde  and  rude  heads,  after  this  sort  being  taken 
away,  many  of  the  gentlenien,  carry ed  away  with  displeasure  and 
desire  of  revenge,  laboured  to  stirre  up  the  minde  of  Warwicke  to 
cruelty.  Who  not  contented  with  the  punishment  of  a  few,  would 
have  rooted  out  utterly  the  off-spring  and  wicked  race  of  them,  and 

1  I,  e.  "  prayed  her  to  be  content,"  or  quiet. 

2  Nicholas  Sotherton.  3  Nevylle. 


were  so  earnest  and  eager  in  it,  as  they  constrayned  "Warwick  to  use 
this  speech  unto  them  openly : 

"  f  There  must  be  measure  kept,  and  above  all  things  in  punish- 
ment men  must  not  exceed.  He  knew  their  wickedness  to  be  such  as 
deserved  to  be  grievously  punished,  and  with  the  severest  judgment 
that  might  bee.  But  how  farre  would  they  goe  ?  would  they  ever 
shew  themselves  discontented,  and  never  pleased  ?  Would  they  leave 
no  place  for  humble  petition  ?  none  for  pardon  and  mercie  ?  Would 
they  be  plowmen  themselves,  and  harrow  their  owne  landes  ?  ' 

These  speeches  restrained  the  desire  of  revenge,  and  led  many, 
that  before  were  fiercely  vindictive,  afterwards  to  act  kindly  and 
courteously  towards  the  common  people.  The  same  night  the  bodies 
of  the  slain  were  buried,2  lest  some  infection  or  sickness  might  be 
produced  by  them. 

The  day  after,  Aug.  29th,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  with  all  his 
nobles,  and  a  great  company,  not  only  men,  but  women,  of  all  degrees 
and  ages,  went  to  Saint  Peter's  Mancroft  Church,  and  there  offered 
up  their  prayers  and  praises  to  Almighty  God  for  the  success  they  had 
met  with ;  "  which  being  ended,3  he  departed  the  Citie  with  all  his 
armie;"1  not  however  immediately;  for,  by  referring  to  the  City 
Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  304,4  it  will  be  found  that  "  my  lord 
of  Warwike  "  remained  in  the  City  fourteen  days,  and,  as  the  follow- 
ing letter  shows,  during  the  latter  part  of  this  time,  was  fully 
occupied  in  inflicting  punishment  on  the  rebels  : — 

"BROTHER. — You  shall  vnderstande  that  my  lord  of  Warwike 
dothe 6  execucion  of  menny  men  at  Norwiche.  And  the  gentlemen 
crave  at  his  hande  the  gyft  of  the  rycheess7  of  them,  and  doe  dayly 
bring  in  men  by  accusacyon.  But  I  have  neyther  accused  anny  man, 
ne  yet  have  asked  the  gyfte  of  anny,  althowe  I  am  spoyled  of  MM. 

1  "Wood's  Translation.1 

2  Most  probably  near  Magdalen  Gates,  where  many  human  remains  have  been  found> 
as  Q-oddard  Johnson,  Esq.,  informs  me. 

3  Nevylle.  *  Appends  (I). 

5  State  Paper  Office— Domestic,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  65. 

6  I.e.  "doeth."  l  I.e.  "riches." 


shepe  and  all  my  bulloks  and  horses  w*  the  moost  parte  of  all  my 
corne  in  the  contrye.  All  the  ordennaunces  and  spoyle  that  was  taken 
in  the  campe  is  the  Kynges.  I  movid  my  lord  for  my  ij  pecys  of 
brasse  but  I  cannot  have  them  at  his  handes  yet  he  is  verie  gentle  to 
me.  Eaffe  Symondes  made  a  greate  complaynte  of  Turcoke  to  my 
lord,  and  yet  he  was  in  the  campe  but  ij  dayes  in  the  begynnyng,  and 
then  went  to  Newcastle  and  came  not  home  agen  tyll  the  battail  was 
done.  Notwithstandinge  the  sheryfe  seased  all  his  goodes,  and  yf  I 
had  not  made  ernest  sute  to  my  lord,  he  had  lost  his  goodes  and  ben 
in  daunger  of  deathe.  I  pray  you  wright l  vnto  me  if  you  thinke 
it  mete  that  I  cum  uppe.  Ther  is  a  Commyssion  com  downe  of 
Oyer  determynate ;  we  have  menny  prysoners  at  Yarmouthe.  Ther 
is  in  the  Commyssion  my  lord  Willoughby,  my  lord  Went  worth  e, 
Sr  Edmond  Wyndham,  Sr  John  Clere,  w*  other  gentlemen,  and  yet  I  am 
left  owte.  Yet  ther  be  in  my  chardge  at  Yarmouthe  ^  or  *j» 2  pry- 
soners, and  they  shall  syt  vppon  the  deliverie  of  them.  You  may  tell 
my  lord  great  Mr. s  that  I  thinke  it  not  mete  that  others  which  were 
not  in  seruice  at  the  takyng  of  them  shuld  have  the  ordre  of  deliverie, 
and  I  lefte  owte.  I  am  sewer  that  Danyell  declared  to  you  the  trothe 
of  all  thinges  in  takyng  of  the  prysoners,  for  if  Gilliste  had  not  ben 
there  w*  thoys  *  men  that  came  from  London,  ther  had  but  few  pry- 
soners ben  taken.  And  because  I  was  so  venturous  to  go  owte  when 
others  kepte  w'in  the  gates,  the  Ruffyns  5  of  the  towne  writ  a  Ire 6  to 
Sr  Thomas  Clere  that  if  he  kept  my  company  he  shuld  be  in  daunger 
of  his  lyffe,  ffor  they  were  determynid  to  kyll  me  w'  halffe  hakes,7  and 
the  baliffe  more.  This  was  on  the  Munday8  when  they  thought 
my  lord  of  Warwike  had  ben  over  throwne.  I  pray  you  speake  w* 
Mr  Cecill,  that  when  enny  Commyssion  or  Ires 9  be  sent  downe  for 

1  I.  e.  "  write."  2  I.  e.  "  seven  or  eight  score." 

3  The  "  Lord  Steward  of  the  Household  "  was  at  this  time  called,  and  had  been  so 
since  the  32nd  year  of  Henry  VIII.,  "  Great  Master  of  the  Household."     The  nobleman 
then  holding  this  office  was  "William,  Lord  St.  John,  of  Basing,  Earl  of  "Wiltshire,  and 
subsequently  Marquis  of  Winchester. 

4  I.  e.  "  those."        5  I.  e.  "  ruffians."        °  /.  e.  "  letter."         7  "  Hand-guns." 

8  See  p.  139.     This  was  most  probably  just  before  the  arrival  of  the  lance  knights. 

9  I.e.  "letters." 


ordre  of  thinges  here,  that  I  be  not  forgotten,  for  then  I  shall  lose  my 
credite  in  the  Contrye.  I  did  speake  wl  Mastres  Anne  Wotton,  she  is 
well  and  lytell  herry  l  is  w'  me  at  my  howse.  Thus  fare  ye  well  ffroni 
Waxham  the  iiie  of  Septembre. 

"  Your  loving  brother, 


Endorsed — "  To  my  loving  brother  Sr  Willm  "Wodhous 
Knight  at  Sir  Anthony  Auchers  besides  the  Tower 
hill  in  London — hast  hast !  " 

In  another  letter,2  written  also  to  his  brother  by  "  Sir  Thomas 
Wodhouse,"  who  had  now  gone  from  Waxham  to  Norwich,  we  find 
him  very  anxious  "to  have  out  a  commycyon3  for  the  Admaralty ;" 
that  he,  since  he  had  been  appointed  "  Vysadmyrall  *  of  Norffolk  and 
Soffolk,"  might  "  medell  with  the  goodes  of  them  that  be  ataynted," 
and  discharge  his  other  duties  without  let  or  hindrance;  "for,"  he 
continues,  "the  shereves  and  other  men  have  meddolld3  within 
my  offyce  for  that  I  have  not  hade  my  warrant  for  the  same.  I  pray 
you  lett  thys  be  gytt  °  out  and  sent  down  with  delygents.7  Ther  be 
ij  gonnars8  in  Lastoffe,  *  *  *  one  of"  whom  "was  araynte 9 
traytor :  they  lost  all  ther  ordinance  to  the  traytors,10  and  we 
wane  yt  agyne11  at  Yarmowth.  Thus  I  bed  you  ffar  well,  ffrome 
Norwyche  thys  v  daye  of  September  1549." 

While  those  in  authority  were  thus  occupied,  the  citizens,  being 
filled  with  gladness  at  "  theis  traiterous  mutinies  and  rebellion  having 
now  an  ende,"  2  scarcely  knew  how  to  praise  Warwick  sufficiently : 
they  "  extolled  him  with  commendations  to  the  Heavens ;  they  spake 
all  manner  good  of  him ;  and,  with  clapping  of  hands,  joy  and 
thankfulnesse,  renowned  with  most  excellent  speeches  the  fame 
of  so  worthy  a  captaine,  and  the  memorie  of  so  great  courage ; 
and  attributed  to  his  wisdome  and  good  successe  the  preservation 

1  I.  e.  "  Harry."  2  State  Paper  Office— Domestic,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  55,  II. 
3  I.  e.  "  commission."  4  See  note,  p.  47.  5  I.  e.  "  meddled,"  or  "  interfered." 
6  I.  e.  "  got"  :  "  let  this  be  got  out."  7  I.  e.  "  diligence."  8  /.  e.  "  gunners." 
9  /.  e.  "arrant," — an  arrant  traitor.  l°  See  p.  110.  n  I.  e.  "we  won  it  again." 
12  Somerset  to  Sir  P.  Hoby,  Appendix  (T). 



of  their  lives,  their  wives  and  children,  finally  all  their  goods  and 
possessions."  l 

One  way  in  which  they  showed  their  gratitude  was  by  "  settyng  up 
the  ragged  staffe  "  at  the  City  Gates,  as  appears  from  the  following  :~ — 

"  Itra  to  Gabryell  the  peynter  for  newe  refreshyng  of  a 
tabyll  of  the  Kyngs  arrays  and  newe  peyntyng  and 
guyldyng  anor  tabyll  w'  the  Kyngs  arrays  y'  before 
hade  S*.  Georges  arrays,  and  for  settyng  up  the 
ragged  staffe  3  in  sylver  paper  at  all  the  Gats  of  the 
Cyte  • 

"  Itm  for  settyng  up  the  sayd  ij  tabylls  at  Westwike  and  7  _  —  „ 

Seynt  Stephyns  Gats 5 

which  gave,  however,  great  offence  to  certain  of  the  citizens,  who 
thought  it  "  not  mete  to  have  any  more  kyngs  than  one."  Another 
way  in  which  they  gave  expression  to  their  thankfulness  was  by 
decreeing  "  (for  the  eternall  note  and  ignominie  of  those  times)  that 
upon  the  same  day  wherein  the  enemies  were  discomfited  and  put  to 
flight,  all  men  should  repaire  to  their  churches  and  make  prayers  unto 
Almightie  God,  with  the  ministers  of  the  congregations,  every  yeere, 
by  a  solemne  custome  established."  *  The  following  enactment  was 
made  subsequently  by  the  City  : 

"  Be  it  remembred,  that  by  the  poure  of  Allmightie  God,  and 
of  our  sovereign  Lord  the  King's  Majestic  that  now  is  Kyng  Edward 
the  Syxte.  In  sending  down  the  noble  Earlc  of  Warwike  his  Graces 
Lyeutenant  wl  other  nobill,  and  men  of  worshipp,  w*  his  majesties 
power  unto  this  worshipfull  Citie,  and  by  the  goodness  of  God  uppon 
the  xxvij  daye  of  August  in  the  Yere  of  our  Lord  God  a  thousand  fy  ve 
hundreth  fourty  and  nyne  The  seide  Earle  with  the  Kings  Maties 
power  uppon  Mushold-Hethe  vanequyshed  Robert  Kette,  and  his 
hool  nombre  of  Adherents  of  their  most  wikked  Rebellion,  and  did 

1  Wood's  Translation.  2  City  Chamberlain's  Accompts,  p.  306. 

3  An  inn  in  Fisher's  Lane,  St.  Giles',  Norwich,  has  the  sign  of  the  Bear  and  Eagged 
Staff,  of  which  badge  or  cognisance  a  very  interesting  representation  exists  in  the  Beau- 
champ  Tower,  Tower  of  London,  cut  in  stone  by  Warwick  himself,  or  by  one  of  his  sons. 

4  Wood's  Translation. 


suppresse  them,  and  Delivered  this  Citie  from  the  greate  Daunger, 
trouble  and  perill  it  was  in  like  to  have  heen  lost  for  ever.  Wherefore 
and  in  consideration  of  that  greate  Victorye  by  the  goode  advyce  of 
the  lord  Thomas1  nowe  Bisshopp  of  Norwich,  w'  the  assent  of  the 
Mayor  shereves  and  comen  Counsaill  in  this  present  Assembley ;  It 
is  ordeyned,  enacted,  and  thought  good,  that  from  hensfurth  for  ever, 
uppon  the  xxvij  day  of  August  yerely  for  the  benefyte  that  was 
obteyned  for  our  delyverance  that  same  daye,  The  Mayor  for  the  tyme 
beinge  shall  comande  his  officers  the  daye  before  to  charge  all  the 
constables  of  every  "Warde  that  they  shall  gyve  warning  to  every 
inhabitant  w'in  ther  wardes  to  spere3  and  shutte  in  their  Shoppes, 
and  that  both  man,  woman,  and  child,  Repayre  to  their  Parisshe 
churche  after  they  have  Eong  in,  at  the  houres  of  Seven  of  the  Clokke 
in  the  morninge,  and  there  to  Eemayn  in  supplicacon  and  prayers  to 
God,  hering  the  devyne  service  of  the  Churche  that  shalbe  there  song 
or  sayed,  and  to  gyve  humble  thanks  to  God,  and  praye  for  the  preser- 
vacon  of  the  Kings  Majestie  hartely,  ffor  the  deliverance  of  this  Citie 
from  the  great  perill  and  daunger  it  was  in ;  And  to  have  the  same  daye 
allwayes  in  our  Remembrances  for  ever,  and  the  servyce  once  doone, 
that  every  parisshe  Eing  a  Solempne  peall  w'  all  there  Bells,  to  the 
laude  and  prayse  of  God,  and  the  great  rejoysing  of  the  peopull  for 
ever,  and  so  to  departe  every  man  to  his  occupacion  or  other  busines. 

"  God  save  the  King, 
"xxvj  die  Mensis  Septembre  A°  E  E  Ed  vj  Quarto." 

This  being  "  received  for  a  law,  they  decreed  moreover  that 
a  sermon  should  be  made  at  the  common  place,*  to  which  all  the 
citizens  should  resort;  which  ordinance,  from  such  beginning  hath 
continued  untill  this  day."5  The  following  extracts  show  that  this 
custom  continued  for  a  long  time ;  that,  more  than  a  hundred  years 

1  Thomas  Thirlby,  Bishop  of  Norwich  from  1550  to  1554. 
3  I.  e.  "  secure."  «  E  Lib.  Civ. ;  or,  from  "  The  City  Book." 

*  Nevylle's  words  are,  "  Concionem  in  publico  fieri," — "that  a  sermon  be  preached 
in  public."  *  I.  e.  till  l575.—Nevylle. 

x  2 


after  these  commotions  had  ceased,  the  worthy  citizens  still  adhered 
to  what  their  ancestors  had  enacted : — 

"  1655.     Mr.  Whitefoot  preached. 

"  1658.     Mr.  Snowden, 

"  1660.     Mr.  Geo.  Cock. 

"  1667.  Ordered  the  sword-bearer  to  acquaint  Mr.  Cock,  minister  of  St.  Peter's 
of  Mancroft,  that  Tuesday  next  is  the  day  of  election  of  Sheriffs,  and  also  the  anuiversary 
for  a  thanksgiving  for  the  deliverance  of  this  city  from  Ket's  Rebellion,  and  that  (if  he 
pleases)  there  may  be  mention  of  it  in  his  sermon  or  other  wise. 

"  21  Aug.  Ordered  that  the  ward  officers  do  give  notice  to  the  Sheriffs  and 
Aldermen,  and  also  to  the  Livery  of  this  city,  that  they  do  wait  upon  the  Sword  at  the 
New  Hall,  on  Friday  next,  in  the  morn'  to  perform  what  their  ancestors  enacted  by  com- 
mon council,  in  repairing  to  the  Cathedral,  to  give  God  thanks  for  the  deliverance  of  this 
city  from  Ket's  rebellion,  and  Mr.  Tho  Bradford  to  preach  there."  ' 

But  to  return  to  Kett :  he  and  "  iij  of  his  britherne 2  w*  sundry 
other  chief  Captaines,"  were  taken  to  London,  and  there  confined  in 
the  Tower,  "  to  receive  y'  which  thei  have  deserved." 

In  the  Privy  Council  Register  are  the  following  entries  relative 
to  Kett's  apprehension: — 

"  viii.  Sep.     "Warrant  to  for  Lu  to  Thomas  Awdley  reward  for 

bringing  Ket.  4 

"  iii  Feb.  1550.  Also  xxs.  to  Walpole  by  him  delyvered  to  him  that  apprehended 
Keett  the  Eebell."  5 

In  the  Appendix  °  will  be  found  various  extracts  from  the  same 
Register,  relating  more  especially  to  the  payment  of  "  th'almaynes 
fotemen  serving  in  Norff. ;"  "for  ordynaunce  in  my  L.  of  Warwickes 
journey;"  "to  Sir  Thomas  Gressham  for  his  wages  in  Norff.;"  "to 
the  Kinges  attorney  "  and  "to  the  Kinges  Sollicitor  ;"  "to  the  Lord 

1  E  Lib.  Cur. ;  or,  from  "  The  Mayor's  Book." 

2  I.  e.  "  brethren : "  only  Eobert  and  William  Kett  were,  however,  tried  for  high 

3  Somerset  to  Sir  P.  Hoby.     See  Appendix  (T). 

4  Privy  Council  Eegister,  Edw.  VI.  vol.  i.  p.  582.  5  Id.  vol.  ii.  p.  73. 

6  Appendix  (E,).  By  referring  to  these  it  will  be  seen  (vol.  ii.  p.  46)  that  the  pay 
of  a  captain  of  light  horse  was  "  iiij8  per  diem ;  his  peticapt"  ij8 ;  Trompeter,  xijd ;  and 
Ii  ght  horsmen  ixd." 


Willoughby ;"  and  to  others  employed  "  against  the  Rebelles  in 
Norff."  The  following  letter  shows  that  there  was  some  remissness  in 
paying  the  demands  of  one,  viz.  Captain  Drury,  whose  services  had 
been  of  the  greatest  importance  in  suppressing  the  Rebellion  : 


"  This  shalbe  to  desyer  you  to  be  an  Intercessour  to  my  lordes 
grace  that  this  berer,  Thomas  Drury,  Capitayne  of  ** l  fotemen  serving 
the  Kyngcs  Matie  against  the  Rebelles  in  Norff  oik  for  the  space  of  too2 
monethes,  that  ys  to  saye  from  the  fyrst  daye  the  marques  of  North- 
ampton tooke  his  iourney  into  Norffolk  vntyll  this  present,  except 
three  score  wch  were  kylled  at  the  battel  and  other  skyrmyshes  there, 
for  the  which  nomber  of  three  score  he  dothe  demande  nothinge  syns 3 
the  xxviith  of  August  hytherto.  requyring  you  to  helppe  that  this 
said  berer  may  have  brefe  depeche,*  and  that  his  bande  be  spedyly 
employed  or  caysed.5  Thus  mooste  hertely  fare  ye  well. 
"  At  Ely  Place  this  xiiiith  of  Septembre,  1549. 

"  Your  assured  frend 

"  J.  WARWIKE." 

Endorsed — "  To  my  veray  loving  ffrend 
Sr  Wm  Cecille  this  be  delivered  wth 
spede  at  the  Courte."  a 

Warwick's  request  was  not,  however,  complied  with  immediately; 
and  more  than  a  month  elapsed  before  the  following  warrant  was 
issued : 

"  xxi  Octr.  "Warrant  to  Henry  Saxey  and  Ffrances  Foxall  mercers,  for  dely  very 
of  cclxxij1'  v8  to  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner  to  be  by  him  payd  over  to  Captn 
Drury."  7 

But  while  the  various  lords,  knights,  and  gentlemen,  were  busily 
occupied  in  receiving  the  pay  they  required  for  their  troops  ;  or  the 
remuneration  to  which  their  own  services  had  entitled  them ;  the 
Leader,  whom  thousands  had  obeyed, — the  Advocate,  who  had  asserted 

1  I.  e.  "  nine  score."  2  I.  e.  "  two  months."  3  I.  e.  "  since." 

4  7.  e.  "  despatch."  *  7.  e.  "  casse,"  "  discharged,"  or  "  broken." 

6  State  Paper  Office — Domestic,  Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  59. 

7  Privy  Council  Eegister,  Edward  VI.  vol.  ii.  p.  20. 


the  rights  of  the  "  pore  comons," — the  Standard-bearer,  round  whom 
so  vast  a  multitude  had  gathered,  ready  to  follow  him  even  to  death, — 
Kett  was  at  this  time  lying  in  the  Tower,  awaiting  his  trial, — a  form, 
a  mere  form,  as  he  must  have  felt  it  to  be,  through  which  he  would 
have  to  pass,  before  suffering  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law. 

The  following  documents,  relating  to  the  trial  of  the  Ketts,  are 
still  in  existence  : — 

I. — The  Special  Commission  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,1  addressed  to 
Richard  Lyster,  Knight ;  Edward  Mountagu,  Knight ;  Roger  Chol- 
meley,  Knight ;  Edmund  Mervyn,  Knight ;  William  Portman,  Knight; 
or  any  four  of  them :  for  the  trial,  according  to  the  Statute  of  Trea- 
sons (25  Edw.  III.  st.  5,  c.  2),  of  all  high  treasons,  &c.,  committed 
by  Robert  and  William  Kette,  alias  Knight,  as  well  in  the  counties  of 
Norfolk,  Suffolk,  Essex,  &c.,  as  in  the  county  of  Middlesex  :  who, 
having  been  examined  before  Edward  North,  Knight ;  John  Baker, 
Knight;  and  Richard  Southwell,  Knight;  three  of  the  King's 
Council,  are  vehemently  suspected  of  high  treason,  as  appears  by 
the  certificate  of  the  said  three  Privy  Councillors  returned  into 

II. — The  Justices'  Precept  to  the  Sheriff  for  the  return  of  the 
Grand  Jury  at  Westminster,  on  the  Tuesday  next  after  the  Quinzaine 
of  St.  Martin ; 3  with 

III. — The  Panel3  annexed. 

IV.— The  Justices'  Precept 4  to  the  Constable  of  the  Tower,  Sir 
John  Gage,  commanding  him  to  bring  up  the  bodies  of  Robert  and 
William  Kette  at  Westminster,  on  the  above-mentioned  Tuesday  : 
this  is  signed  by  Sir  Richard  Lyster. 

V. — The  Indictment  found  against  Robert  Kete,5  or  Kette, 
otherwise  Robert  Knight,  late  of  Wyndham,  Norfolk,  tanner. 

1  See  Appendix  (TJ) . 

2  November  llth.     As  this,  in  1549,  fell  on  Monday,  the  day  fixed  for  the  trial  was 
November  26th.  3  gee  Appendix  (V). 

4  See  Appendix  (W).  »  See  Appendix  (X). 

ft      :!         '•'' 
:'     *>•:        'ft 

•-.  i-.'-' 


VI. — The  Indictment  found  against  William  Kete,1  or  Kette, 
otherwise  William  Knight,  late  of  Wyndham,  Norfolk,  mercer.3 

Also,  the  Record  of  this  Session,  which  contains  the  Special 
Commission,  the  Justices'  Precept  to  the  Sheriffs,  the  Indictments 
against  each  of  the  Ketts,  their  plea  of  Guilty,  and  the  sentence  passed 
upon  them. 

From  the  first  of  the  above  documents  we  learn  the  names  of  the 
judges ;  from  the  second,  third,  and  fourth,  the  names  of  the  jury, 
the  day  of  trial,  and  where  the  Ketts  were  confined,  viz.,  in  the 
Tower ;  the  fifth  enters  very  fully  into  the  charge  against  Robert 
Kett,  and  states  that  for  six  weeks  after  the  20th  of  July  he  had,  on 
"  Mushold  hethe  "  and  in  divers  other  places  in  Norfolk,  with  more 
than  twenty  thousand  followers,  gathered  together,  "  by  means  of 
traitorous  proclamations,  hue  and  cry,  and  the  ringing  of  bells,"  made 
an  insurrection,  and  levied  war  against  the  King  ;  that  he  had  caused 
bills  to  be  written  as  well  to  incite  his  Majesty's  lieges  to  make  war 
against  the  King,  as  also  to  spoil  and  rob  them ;  that  he  and  his 
associates  had  imprisoned  for  a  long  time,  in  Mount  Surrey,  many 
knights  and  gentlemen  of  Norfolk,  "  shouting  out  these  words  in 
English, — Kyll  the  Gentlemen ;"  that  they  had  not  only  plundered 
very  many  of  their  goods  and  cattle,  but  also,  in  open  war,  had  killed 
very  many  faithful  subjects  of  the  King,  at  "  Dussingdale  in  the 
Parishes  of  Thorpe  and  Sprowston ;  "  that  he  had  fled  from  the  field  of 
battle  to  Cawston  ; 3  and  that  he  had  been  there  taken  and  arrested  by 
the  King's  lieges. 

While  the  sixth  in  like  manner  states  that  William  Kett,  "  not 
having  God  before  his  eyes,"  endeavouring  to  get  up  a  rebellion,  had 
on  the  16th  of  August  and  two  following  days,  at  Mount  Surrey,  in 
conjunction  with  Robert  Kett  and  others,  made  an  insurrection,  with 
"  banners  unfurled,  swords,  shields,  clubs,  cannon,  halberts,  lances, 

1  See  Appendix  (Y). 

2  It  is  possible  William  Kett  may  have  been  both  a  butcher  and  a  mercer :   just  as 
Pulke,  who  killed  Lord  Sheffield,  is  stated  by  Holinshed  to  have  been  both  a  carpenter 
and  butcher. 

3  Or  rather  "  Swannington." 


bows,  arrows,  breast-plates,  coats  of  mail,  and  other  arms,  offensive 
and  defensive ;"  and  "  further,  that  William  Kett,  on  the  20th  of 
August,  gave  to  the  same  Robert  Kett  and  the  other  said  traitors 
comfort,  help  and  counsel  in  their  traitorous  and  wicked  purposes." 
This  mention  of  a  date  makes  it  difficult  to  determine  the  especial 
occasion  on  which  he  had  acted  thus.  Had  it  been  July  31st  or 
August  1st,  the  following  from  Holinshed  would  have  been  a  sufficient 
explanation :  he  says :  "  It  was  generally  thought  William  Kett 
would  have  been  certain  of  pardon,"  (to  which,  or  at  least  some 
slighter  punishment  than  death,  he  was  fairly  entitled,  he  having 
done  but  little  in  these  commotions),  "  if  he  had  not  played  the  part 
of  traitorous  hypocrite  :  for,  upon  his  submission  at  first  to  the 
Marquis  of  Northampton,1  he  was  sent  back  to  his  brother,  to 
persuade  him  and  the  rest  to  yield :  though  he  promised  to  do 
so,  yet,  upon  his  coming  into  the  Camp,  and  seeing  the  great 
multitude  about  him,  he  did  not  only  dissuade  him  from  it,  but 
told  him  the  Marquis  had  but  few  soldiers  with  him,  and  was  not 
able  to  resist  such  a  force  as  his :  so  that,  had  it  not  been  for  him, 
his  brother  and  all  the  rest  would  have  accepted  the  King's  pardon, 
and  thus  saved  all  the  ensuing  mischief  and  bloodshed."  Holinshed 
might  have  added,  supposing  this  submission  to  have  been  made 
on  Northampton's  first  expedition  against  the  rebels,  that  it  would 
also  have  saved  the  Marquis  the  disgrace  in  which  his  defeat  had 
involved  him. 

Such  were  the  charges  against  them :  on  being  brought  to  the 
bar  by  the  Constable  of  the  Tower,  and  being  arraigned,  they  pleaded 
GUILTY,  and  the  usual  sentence  for  high  treason  was  passed 
upon  them.2 

One  notice,  and  that  a  very  brief  one,  of  these  unfortunate  men, 
shows  clearly  that  William  was  evidently  more  favourably  regarded 
than  Robert  Kett,  and  warrants  the  belief  that  he  would  have 

"  The  Earl  of  Northampton,"  Holinshed ;    but  shortly  afterwards  "  the  Marquis." 
t  is  not  clear  when  William  Kett  acted  thus  :    if  at  Northampton's  first  coming  to 
Norwich,  it  must  have  been  July  31st ;  whereas,  from  the  indictment  it  seems  to  have 
been  on  the  20th  of  August.  2  See  Appendix  (Z). 


escaped  capital  punishment,  had  not  "  the  good  Duke  "  been  himself 
in  trouble,  and  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  at  this  very  time : — 

"  Robt.  Kett  of  Wyndham  Norff.  Tanner. 

"  Wyllyam  Kett  his  brother  who  goithe  at  Large  in  the  Tower." 

This  is  taken  from  a  List  of  Prisoners  confined  in  the  Tower,1 
Oct.  22nd,  1549  ;  and  has  "  Justice  "  in  a  different  hand  added  by  the 
side  of  each  name  ;  implying  that  they  were  subsequently  executed. 

On  November  29th, 2  Robert  and  William  Kett  were  delivered 
out  of  the  Tower  of  London  to  Sir  Edmund  Windham,  High  Sheriff 
of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk :  they  reached  Norwich  December  1st,3  and 
the  former  was  confined  in  the  Guildhall  till  Saturday,  December  7th,* 
when  he  was  "  drawn"  to  the  Castle,  "  and  then  and  there  over  the 
walls  of  the  same  Castle,  in  obedience  to  the  King's  command,  was 
hanged  in  chains."  3  Ncvylle's  account  is  :  "  Robert  Kett  (at  the 
Castle  in  Norwich)  had  chaincs  put  upon  him,  and  with  a  rope  about 
his  necke,  was  drawne  alive  from  the  ground  up  to  the  gibbet  placed 
upon  the  top  of  the  Castle,  and  there  hanged  for  a  continuall  memorie 
of  so  great  villanie,  untill  that  unhappy  and  heavy  body  (through 
putrifaction  consuming)  shall  fall  downe  at  length."  5 

"  Keits  brother  was  taken  also  and  perished  alike,"  being  hanged 
at  Wymondham  on  the  top  of  the  church  tower,  or  as  Stow  calls  it, 
"  Windham  Steeple." 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  two  brothers ;  such  the  issue  of  their 
bold  attempt  to  obtain  some  redress  of  the  many  grievances  they  and 
others  long  had  felt,  and  which,  becoming  at  length  too  grievous  to  be 

1  State  Paper  Office — Domestic,  Edward  VI.  vol.  ix.  48. 

2  Stow's  Chronicles,  p.  235.         3  "Inquisitio  post  mortem."     See  Appendix  (AA). 

4  Edward  VI.  in  his  Journal  says  that  "  Keit  their  captain  in  January  folowing  was 
hanged  at  Norwich  ; "    but  as  the  Inquisition,  held  at  the  Shirehouse,  Norwich,  January 
13th,  15J£,  states  it  to  have  been  December  7th,  Appendix  (AA),  the  king  is  clearly 
wrong.     He  says  further,  that  "  his  head  was  hanged  out,"  an  expression  that  may  mean 
the  sentence  was  fully  executed,  and  "  his  head  and  body  having  been  divided  into  five 
parts,  that  these  were  set  up  in  various  public  places."     There  is,  however,  no  reason 
for  believing  the  full  punishment  for  high  treason  was  inflicted,  but  only  that  he  was 
hanged  in  chains  in  the  way  described  by  Nevylle. 

5  Wood's  Translation. 


borne,  had  roused  them  to  take  up  arms  for  their  removal.  Short 
and  easy  was  the  method  of  those  days  with  all  such  innovators :  the 
hollow  form  of  a  trial ;  the  pleading  guilty ;  the  accused  commit- 
ting himself  to  the  King's  mercy ;  the  imprisonment ;  the  fatal  list 
with  "  Justice,"  as  if  in  bitter  mockery  of  the  hallowed  word,  inscribed 
against  each  name  ;  the  hurried  journey  ;  the  few  days'  rest  and  con- 
finement in  the  Guildhall ;  the  procession  with  Kett  in  the  midst 
"  drawn"  to  the  Castle ;  the  rope  and  gibbet;  the  raising  of  his  body, 
whilom  King  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,1  up  those  lofty  walls,  there  to 
hang  in  chains — "  hanged  uppe  for  wynter  store ;"  3 — short,  indeed, 
and  easy  in  those  days  was  the  method  adopted  with  those  who 
complained  of  grievances,  and  sought  some  remedy  for  them.  Even 
in  that  time  of  harsh  severity,  it  was  not,  however,  so  effectual  as  the 
rulers  expected  it  to  prove :  while  the  fate  of  these  men  was  as  yet 
undecided,  we  meet  with  the  following  indications  of  hatred  of  the 
gentry,  and  of  sympathy  with  Kett  and  with  the  Lord  Protector, 
who  was  evidently  regarded  as  the  people's  friend : — • 

"  21.  Sept.  3  Edw.  VI.  Robert  Burnam,  parish  Clerk  of  St.  Gregories  said,  There  aro 
too  many  Gentlemen  in  England  by  fyve  hundred. 

"  30.  Sept.  Will.  Mutton,  painter,  justified  his  having  pulled  down  the  Penthouses 
of  the  shops  in  Norwich  saying,  That  there  was  much  dysceyte  3  to  buyers  from  them. 

"  The  said  Barnam  [or  Burnam]  being  imprisoned,  said  to  Mr.  Mayor  and  the 
Aldermen,  Te  Skrybes  and  Pharasies,  ye  seke  innocent  bloode :  but  if  I  can  not  havo 
justice  here  I  shall  have  it  of  better  men,  and  I  ask  no  favor  at  your  hands :  for  which, 
at  the  following  assizes,  he  was  adjudged  to  the  pillory,  and  to  have  his  ears  nailed  thereto 
as  a  fautor4  of  rebels." 

"  Edm.  Johnson,  labourer,  being  at  the  late  Chapel  in  the  Fields  talking  with  Mr. 
Chancellor's  servants,  it  chanced  that  one  Bosewell  should  say,  That  Eobert  Kette 
should  be  hanged ;  and  the  said  Johnson  said,  That  it  shulde  cost  a  thousande  men's 
lives  firste. 

"  24  Nov.  Maryone 5  Lelly,  of  the  Parish  of  St.  Botolph  within  this  City,  widow 
of  the  Age  of  liij  yeres,  sworne  and  examined,  saithe,  That  one  John  Eooke  came  to  her 
House,  and  one  Margaret  Sokeling  the  wief  of  Nicholas  Sokeling  w*  him,  upon  Monday 
was  a  sennith  last  past,  at  the  which  time  amonges  other  wordes  in  communycation 

1  See  p.  114.  2  The  Book  of  the  Mayoralty,  1549,  fol.  33. 

3  I.e.  "deceit,"  an  imputation  upon  the  honesty  of  the  Norwich  tradesmen. 

4  /.  e.  "  favourer,"  "aider,"  or  "  abettor."  5  Probably  "  Maryann." 


betwixte  them,  the  seide  John  Rooke  ded  speke  thies  words  followeng,  that  is  to  say. 
Except  the  mercye  of  God  before  Christinas  ye  shall  se  '  as  great  a  Campe  uppon 
Mushold  as  ever  was.  And  if  it  be  not  then  it  shall  be  in  the  spring  of  the  yere,  and  they 
shall  come  out  of  tho  lorde  Protectors  Countreithe2  to  strenkith3  him. 

"  The  sayeng  of  one  Claxton  agreable  to  the  Bill  of  accusation  by  Thomas  Wolman 
and  Henry  Musdred  subscribed  with  their  hands.  Ffirst  he  sayd,  That  he  did  well  in 
keping  in  Ketts  Campe  and  so  he  wold  saye  ;  and  then  I  did  aske  him,  What  he  ded 
think  by  Kett  ;  and  he  sayed,  Nothing  but  well  that  he  knewe  ;  and  after  that  he  sayed, 
He  trusted  to  se  l  a  new  day  for  suche  men  as  I  was. 

"  Witness  HENRY 

And  when  the  brothers  had  perished,  the  old  independent  spirit 
of  the  county  still  survived  ;  Warwick  had  excited  against  himself  a 
hatred  that  would  hide  its  time,  and  keenly  watch  for  an  opportunity 
of  obtaining  revenge.  He  was  too  powerful  to  be  assailed  himself,  but 
there  was  his  badge,  "  the  Ragged  Staff,"  and  this  we  find  soon  made 
an  object  of  attack  : 

"  12  Feb.  4  Edw.  VI.  George  Redman,  servant  with  Mr.  Bakon,  deposed,  That  Jojin 
Redhed  on  Sonday  at  nyght  beyng  the  ixth.  of  Febr.  1549  (i.e.  1550  new  style)  said,  He 
wold  that  Master  Bakon  and  others,  having  on  their  gates  the  ragged  staff,  schuld  take 
them  down,  for  ther  were  that  are  offendyd  therwyth,  to  the  nombre  of  twentie  persons 
and  more  :  and  he  said,  That  the  aforesaid  ragged  staff  shuld  be  plucked  down  :  and  that 
afore  it  were  Lammes  daye  6  next  comyng,  that  Ket  shuld  be  plucked  downe  from  the 
toppe  of  the  castle  ;  saying  also,  That  it  was  not  mete  to  have  any  more  kyngs  than  one."  4 

While  the  fate  of  the  Ketts  —  the  fearful  spectacle  alluded  to  in 
the  following  extract  —  excited  a  strong  feeling  of  pity  towards  them, 
instead  of  suppressing  the  people's  discontent,  it  only  led  them  to 
long  the  more  deeply,  and  so  the  more  dangerously  for  the  governing 
powers,  for  better  days  and  a  happier  lot,  for  those  social  privileges 
which  they  felt  were  their  right,  but  which  they  had  hitherto  failed  in 
obtaining  : 

"  John  Redhed  of  St.  Martin's  parish,  worsted  weaver,  saith,  That  upon  a  market 
day  not  a  month  passed,  whether  it  was  Wednesday  or  Saterday,  he  certenly  knoweth 

1  I.  e.  "  see."  2  I.  e.  "  country." 

3  7.  e.  "  to  strengthen."  *  The  Book  of  the  Mayoralty,  1549. 

5  It  had  been  on  the  previous  "  Lammes  daye,"  August  1st,  that  they  had  gained 
the  battle  on  St.  Martin's  Palace  Plain. 

T   2 


not,  being  in  the  market  uppon  his  busynes,  he  sawe  ij  or  iij  persones,  men  of  the  con- 
trithe1  standing  together,  and  he  harde  th'one  of  them  speke  to  th'other,  loking  uppon 
Norwich  castell  towardes  Kette,  thes  wordes,  viz.  Oh !  Kette,  God  have  mercye  upon  thy 
sowle,  and  I  trust  in  God,  that  the  Kyng's  majestye,  and  his  Counsail  shall  be  informed 
ones  betvvixte  this  and  Mydsomer  even,  that  of  their  own  gentylnes  thowe  shal  be  taken 
downe,  by  the  grace  of  God,  and  buryed,  and  not  hanged  uppe  for  wynter  store,  and  sette 
a  quyetness  in  the  realme,  and  the  ragged  staffe  shal  be  taken  down  also  of  their  owne  gen- 
tylnes from  the'gentylmens  gates  in  this  cittie,  and  to  have  no  more  King's  arms  but  one 
within  this  cittie  under  Christ  but  King  Edward  the  syse,  God  save  his  grace :  which 
persones  he  saith,  he  never  knew  them  nor  cannot  name  them. 

"  26.  Felr.     One  said,  That  500  of  Musholdmen  were  gon  to  the  gret  Turk2  and  the 
Doffyn,  and  will  be  her  agen  by  Midsomer."  3 

The  Ketts  having  been  executed,  the  next  step  taken  was  to  hold 
aii  "  Inquisitio  post  mortem "  *  at  the  Shirehouse,  Norwich,  Jan. 
13th,  before  Henry  Mynne,  Escheator;  when  it  was  shown  that 
Robert  Kett,  Nov.  26th,  having  pleaded  guilty  to  the  charge  of  high 
treason,  and  having  been  subsequently  hanged  in  chains,  was,  at  his 
death,  seised  of  the  manor  of  Wymondham,  with  certain  messuages, 
&c.  lately  belonging  to  the  Hospital  of  Burton  Lazars,  of  which  he  had 
obtained  the  grant  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick  on  the  27th.  of  March, 
in  the  37th.  year  of  Henry  VIII. ;  also  of  the  manors  of  Melior's 
Hall,  and  Lethers  or  Letars,  but  then  called  Gunvile's  Manor ;  that 
the  moiety  of  these  manors,  &c.,  had  been  mortgaged  to  Ilichard 
Colyor  for  £.200 ;  also  that  he  was  seised  of  two  tenements,  called 
Chyllinges  and  Tyes,  in  the  township  of  "  Cakewik,"  or  "  Cake- 
wik  Fild  near  the  Marlepitts ;"  that  Gunvile's  Manor  was  worth 
£.13  6s.  Sd.  per  ann. ;  that  the  manor  of  Wymondham  was  worth 
£.4  per  ann. ;  and  that  the  other  messuages  were  worth  20*.  per  ann. 
This  account  of  Robert  Kett's  property  differs,  however,  in  some 
respects,  from  that  given  in  the  Patent  Roll,5  which  records  the  grant 
of  his  property  to  Thomas  Audeley,  who  has  been  already  mentioned 
as  having  conveyed  Kett  to  London  : 6  in  this  he  is  said  to  have  been 
possessed  of  the  manors  of  Melior's  Hall ;  Lethers  or  Leters  Hall, 

/.  e,  "  country."  2  Solyman  II.,  suruamed  the  Magnificent. 

The  Book  of  the  Mayoralty.  "  See  Appendix  (A A). 

See  Appendix  (BB).  6  See  p.  156. 



now  called  Gunvile  Manor ;  and  all  Gunviles  Manor ;  also  of  Che- 
lynges  and  Tyes,  in  the  village  called  "  Cakewyke  ;"  also  of  a  piece  of 
arable  land  in  "  Cakewyke  felde  near  the  Marlepittes,"  containing  one 
acre  :  and  that  the  clear  annual  value  of  -his  manors,  messuages,  &c., 
amounted  to  forty  marks. 

The  History  would  scarcely  be  complete  without  the  following 
extract,  which  shows  that  the  Rebellions  in  Norfolk,  Devon,  and 
Cornwall  cost  the  State  no  less  than  £.28,122.  Is.  Tel. : — 

"  The  Rebelliones  in 

li           s      (T, 

Cotes  and  con-  1 
.  i 

6446  12  2 

dut  .. 


The  Subvertione 
of  sundrie  notn- 
beres  of  Eebelles 

Diettes  and] 
Wages  J 

18827  19  6 


specially  within 
the  said  counties 
and  in  diveres 

Empciones  of] 
necessaries...  J 

47  11  8 

li           s   d 



other  places  of 
third  yeare  of  our 
Soveraigne  Lorde 
Kinge  Edwarde 
the  VI.  that  now 

Diveres  and\ 
sundry  neces- 
sary charges 
and  expences 
as  breaking 
doune  of 

2800    4  3 

28122  7  7"1 


Bridges,  Car- 

riages,    and 

Rewardes  ...' 


"  And  in  this  way  the  City  and  all  the  county  of  Norfolk, 
when  this  deadly  plague  of  treason,  to  the  destruction  of  many, 
had  continued  for  about  sixty  days,  and  had  shaken  all  things  with 
lamentable  ruin,  at  length  enjoyed  rest ;  having,  through  the  goodness 
of  God,  and  admirable  valour  of  Warwick  (that  most  excellent  noble- 
man), brought  to  an  end  these  so  fatal  and  woful  tumults." 


A  few  years  have  passed  away  :   the  young  King,  who  had  long 

1  Harl.  MSS.  No.- 353,  p.  102. 

2  Kevylle. 


been  sinking,  has  breathed  his  last  at  Greenwich ;  the  Lady  Jane  is 
proclaimed  Queen,  amidst  the  ominous  silence  of  the  people ;  Warwick, 
now  Duke  of  Northumberland,  is  at  the  head  of  the  troops,  ready  to 
use  every  means  for  maintaining  his  daughter-in-law's  supposed  right 
to  the  crown ;  and  the  Lady  Mary  is  at  Eramlingham,  asserting  her 
claim  to  the  throne,  and  actively  exerting  herself  to  secure  such  aid 
as  shall  enable  her  to  advance  at  once  upon  London.  The  time  has  at 
length  arrived,  when  the  people  of  Norfolk  may  obtain  satisfactipn  for 
the  injuries  received  at  Warwick's  hands ;  may  avenge  the  execution  of 
the  Lord  Protector,  "  the  good  Duke ;"  may  play  an  important  part  in 
their  country's  history,  and  place  the  rightful  sovereign  on  the  throne. 
And  bravely  do  they  come  forward :  thousands  flock  around  the 
standard  of  the  Lady  Mary,  whose  promises  to  defend  the  laws  and 
liberties  of  her  subjects  are  readily  believed ;  the  fleet  off  the  coast 
revolts ;  the  Council,  being  freed  from  Northumberland's  presence, 
speedily  declare  for  Mary ;  the  Duke  in  despair  repairs  to  the  market- 
place in  Cambridge,  proclaims  her  queen,  and  is  the  first  to  throw  up 
his  cap  in  token  of  the  joy  he  felt  at  her  obtaining  that  crown,  of  which 
he  had  done  his  utmost  to  deprive  her  ;  and  Mary  becomes  the  undis- 
puted sovereign  of  these  realms.  The  powerful  John  Dudley,  all- 
powerful  as  he  had  believed  himself  to  be,  is  in  the  hands  of  his 
enemies  :  his  pretended  zeal  for  Mary,  when  he  found  his  attempt 
unsuccessful, — his  defence  that  he  had  acted  in  obedience  to  the 
orders  of  the  Council,  given  under  the  Great  Seal,— all  is  of  no  avail : 
the  system  he  had  pursued  towards  others  is  adopted  against  himself ; 
the  trial,  the  plea  of  Guilty,  the  sentence,  are  all  quickly  passed 
through ;  and  it  was,  we  may  be  sure,  with  feelings  of  stern  gratifica- 
tion,— which,  though  we  cannot  approve  of,  we  can  readily  excuse,  as 
we  bear  in  mind  the  cruel  oppressions  of  those  troublous  times, — the 
people  of  Norfolk  learned  that  the  proud  and  haughty  Northum- 
berland, the  determined  enemy  of  the  "pore  commons,"  as  they 
regarded  him,  had  been  beheaded  on  Tower  Hill. 

Such, — to  pass  by  the  destruction  of  Thorpe  Wood,  the  Homily 
on  Rebellion,  and  the  appointment  of  Lord  Lieutenants,1  all  of  which 

1  Strype's  Mem.  Eccles.  vol.  ii.  part  I.  p.  278. 


were  connected  with  "  these  routs  and  uproars," — was  one  of  the  great 
results  of  Kett's  Rebellion,  viz.,  the  placing  of  the  Lady  Mary  on 
the  throne  ; — a  result  which,  while  imparting  an  additional  interest, 
gives  to  it  also  much  historical  importance  :  the  full  consequences 
of  this  and  similar  attempts  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  obtain 
their  rights  did  not,  however,  manifest  themselves  at  once;  years, 
many  years,  would  pass  away,  and  fiercely  would  the  storm  of 
civil  commotion  rage  throughout  the  land,  before  the  iniquities  of 
the  feudal  system  would  be  abolished ;  or  the  Bill  of  Eights  secure 
to  the  subject  that  liberty  which,  while  it  is  too  often  a  name,  and 
unhappily  nothing  more,  in  the  mouths  of  other  people,  is  by  us 
regarded,  not  as  a  privilege  that  kings  may  give  or  withhold  at  their 
pleasure,  but  rather  as  our  inalienable  birthright. 



Treasury  of  the  Receipt  of  the  Exchequer,  1st  Series,  No.  247. 

"  WE  desyre  and  also  charge  and  commande  you  [and  every  one 
of  you]  apon  payn  of  deith,  and  for  the  luf l  ye  here  to  [owr  holy] 
faith  and  churche  militaunte,  and  the  maintenaunce  therof,  the 
preservation  of  the  Kynges  person,  and  his  isshew "  and  the  common 
welth,  and  to  the  intente  to  expulse  and  subdue  all  vylan  blode 
from  the  kynges  grace,  and  his  privy  councell  for  the  common  welth 
and  restorying  of  crist  churche.  And  take  before  you  the  cross  oi' 
crist  and  in  your  harts  his  faith,  to  suppresse  all  herisey  and  ther 
opinions.  And  that  you  nor  none  of  you  gyf  aide  or  person  aperens 
to  the  erle  of  Darbie  or  any  other  for  hym.  Except  ye  perseve  [and] 
knaw  hym  or  them  to  be  sworne  and  assuryd  for  the  common  welth, 
and  that  ye  fale3  not  alle  and  every  one  of  you  to  be  on  Cliderow 
more  on  Munday  next  after  Symon  and  Jude  day  in  your  best 
aray  by  ix  of  the  cloke.  And  they  that  be  xvith.  yere  of  age  not  to 
fale.  Now  good  men  and  ever,  and  now  or  never,  for  God,  the  kyng, 
yourself,  and  all  youres  hereafter. 

"  By  all  the  olle  concent  of  the  hyrdmen  in  this  our  pil- 
gramaige  for  grace  to  the  common  welth." 

Endorsed — "  A  commandment 
to  the  Commons." 

1  I.  e.  "lore."  «  I.  e.  "  issue."  3  I.  e.  "  fail." 



Complayntes  at  the  Insurrection. 

*  *  *  Item,  we  fynde  that  the  Master  and  Fellows  of  Jesus  College  have  let  ther 
ferine  hollye  with  all  commodities  together,  and  the  fermor  thereof  hathe  letten  the  lande 
to  certeyne  persons  and  severed  the  dwellynge  howse  and  the  shepegate  from  the  lande, 
so  that  the  howse  and  shepegate  be  in  divers  men  handes,  and  lykewyse  the  closes  be 
letten  from  the  howse,  and  the  hole  is  letten  for  xu.  xs.  by  yere. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  a  pece  of  noysom  grounde  is  taken  in  owte  of  the  common  and 
enclosed  with  a  muddle  wall  at  the  ende  of  Jesus  lane,  for  the  whyche  the  incorporation 
of  the  towne  is  recompensed,  but  not  the  hole  inhabytauntes  of  the  towne  whiche  fynde 
themselves  injured. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Andrew  Lambes  close  is  crofte  lande  and  ought  to  lye  open  with 
the  fylde  at  lamas  as  common.1 

Item,  we  fynde  that  a  close  that  of  late  was  taken  in  bye  baylyff  Smythe  owte  of  the 
common,  owght  to  be  layde  open  and  to  be  common  again,  as  heretofore  it  hathe  beene 
accustomed,  the  yerely  rent  is  xxvi8.  viiia. 

Item,  we  find  that  Mr.  Braken  had  of  the  prior  and  convente  of  Barnwell  a  portyon 
of  grounde  that  before  was  layd  open  with  the  fylde  at  lamas,  and  was  common  arable 
land,  upon  the  whiche  he  hathe  buylded  certeyne  bowses  and  shoppes. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Mr.  Hynde  unlawfully  dothe  bringe  into  Cambridge  felde  a 
flock  of  shepe  to  the  number  of  vi  or  vii  Ctl1,  to  the  undoinge  of  the  fermora  and  great 
hyndraunce  of  all  the  iuhabitauntes  of  Cambrydge. 

Item,  we  fynde  the  said  Mr.  Hynde  after  the  corne  be  inned  and  harvest  don, 
bryngeth  in  his  catall  in  great  nombre  and  eateth  uppe  the  common  to  like  hyndraunce. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  ther  is  an  howse  of  husbandrye  with  xxx  acres  of  lande  therunto 
belonginge,  nowe  in  the  tenure  of  "Wylliam  Spyrink,  dekayed  and  not  inhabited,  nor  hath 
not  bene  these  ii  yeres,  for  then  it  was  burned,  the  yerely  rent  is  iiii1'. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Mr.  Braken  hathe  dymyssed  a  lane  called  fysshores  lane,  and 
inclosed  the  samme  whyche  of  late  lay  open  and  was  common. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Maxwell  kepeth  a  certayne  grownde  against  the  castle  as  com- 
mon wbyche  ought  to  be  common. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  there  is  an  howse  dekayed  and  fallen  down,  lying  betwyxt  the 

1  At  a  Common  Day  on  the  12th.  of  July  this  year,  Maurice  Newell  granted  that 
Bishop's  Close  should  lie  common  from  Lammas  till  Lady  Day  ;  and  Andrew  Lambe 
granted  that  his  close  in  Barnwell  should  lie  common  for  the  same  period  yearly.  It  was 
also  ordered  that  the  Common  Balk  leading  from  Trumpington-street  unto  the  Brick 
Kiln  should  be  laid  common  as  customably  it  had  been  used. — Corporation  Common 


Greffyn  and  the  whyte  Bull,  now  in  the  tenure  of  Mr.  Slegge,  wherbye  the  towne  in  that 
streete  is  myche  defaced. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Trinitie  College  owght  to  pave  the  streete  agaynst  the  gray 
freers,  which  of  long  tyme  hath  been  unpaved,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  the  common 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Trinitie  college  hath  inclosed  a  common  lane,  which  was  a  com- 
mon course  both  for  cart,  horse,  and  man,  leadinge  to  the  ryver,  unto  a  common  grene, 
and  no  recompense  made  therefore. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Mr.  Muryell  hathe  plowed  uppe  certayne  bawlks  and  carte 
wayes  in  the  feelde. 

Item,  we  fynde  Mr.  Bykarclyck  hath  plowed  uppe  the  more  parte  of  a  bawlke  behind 
the  black  freers  of  vii  foote  brode,  betwyxt  Jesus  College  grownde  and  Myhell  howse 
grownde,  and  he  hath  dyched  it  in  at  both  endes. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  he  hath  eared  upp  a  lyke  bawlk  in  lyk  manner,  lying  betwixt 
the  Kynges  hall  grownde  and  Myhell  howse  grownde. 

Item,  we  fyude  also  that  the  sayde  Mr.  Bykardyck  hath  taken  in  and  inclosed  a  por- 
tyon  of  the  common  hyghewayes  at  both  endes  of  the  sayde  bawlke. 

Item,  we  fynde  there  is  another  bawlke  enclosed  at  both  endes  and  plowed  uppe. 
that  leadeth  from  the  forenamed  bawlke,  dvrectlye  crossing  the  hyghewaye  unto  Barnwell 
cawsey  and  Jesus  Grene. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  the  Kynges  College  hath  taken  in  and  inclosed  Saynt  Austen's 
lane,  leadinge  from  the  high  streete  unto  the  waterside,  withowte  recompense. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  the  Queens  College  have  taken  in  a  pece  of  common  ground 
commonlye  called  Goslinge  grene  withowte  recompense. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  ther  is  another  pece  lying  withowt  their  pales  and  within  the 
ryver  that  owght  to  be  common. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  there  is  a  pece  of  grownde  landed  at  the  ende  of  John  Thomas 
garden,  now  in  the  tenure  of  William  Garlande,  taken  owte  of  the  common  ryver,  paying 
therfore  to  the  corporation  of  the  towne,  xvid. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Mr.  Fanne  hath  in  his  hands  a  pece  of  Maris  grownde  now 
severalled,  which  was  common  within  these  xvi  yeres,  the  rent  is  viid. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Mr.  Osborue  hath  in  his  hands  a  lyke  pece  of  Maris  grownde. 
whyche  of  late  was  common,  the  rent  wherof  is  lykewyse  yerely  viid. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  one  pece  of  common  is  inclosed  now  in  the  handes  of  Mr.  Mores, 
which  hath  been  accustomed  to  lye  common  at  Mydsomer. 

Item,  we  fynde  one  berne  now  in  the  tenure  of  William  Bradlye  buylded  on  St. 
Thomas  lease,  which  was  accustomed  and  owght  to  lye  common  at  lamas. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  a  ferme  howse  called  cotton  hall,  now  in  the  tenure  of  Mr. 
Fanne,  is  dekayed  and  fell  downe  about  xxli  yeres  agon,  not  inhabyted  and  hath  iiii11 
acres  of  lande  belonginge  therunto,  and  is  letton  for  vu.  bye  yere. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  beyonde  Styrbrydge  chappell,  Dytton  men  have  pulled  down  a 
brydge,  stopped  the  water,  drowned  the  commons,  and  so  enter  upon  Cambridge  common. 

z  2 


Item,  we  fyiide  that  Mistress  Lacys  of  Barnwell  hathe  severed  the  lande  and  the 
shepe  gate  of  her  ferms,  and  that  bayley  Genings  and  John  Bernes  have  done  the  lyke  in 
ther  fermes. 

Item,  we  fynde  that  Mr.  Kymbalde  hath  walled  and  dyched  upon  the  hyghwaye  in 
Barnwell,  wherbye  the  seyd  waye  is  much  straytened.  *  * 

Annals  of  Cambridge,  ly  0.  H.  Cooper,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 


State  Paper  Office — Domestic — Edioard  VI.  vol.  viii.  No.  24. 

"  Gentill  M1.  Cicell,  you  shall  understande,  we  have  perused  the 
contentes  of  the  comyssion  to  us  and  others  directed  concernyng 
decay  of  houses  of  husbondry,  inclosures,  parkes,  and  divers  other 
articles,  aswell 1  in  the  comyssion  as  in  our  instruccions.  And  we, 
having  therein  alreadie  travailed,  do  take  it  that  we  cannot  by  that 
comyssion  redresse  the  same,  and  than  ~  for  lack  of  present  execucion  of 
thinges  that  shalbe  before  us  presented,  we  are  partelie  in  fere  lest  the 
peple  will  thinke  we  do  but  onlie  delay  tyme  with  them,  and  thereby 
perchaunce  they  may  be  brought  in  more  rage  than  before  they  were. 
We  therefore  desire  you  to  move  my  Lorde  his  grace  and  the  Counsaile 
to  direct  their  lettres  unto  us,  auctorising  us  to  commaunde  the  shreve 
to  pull  downe  asmoche 3  of  the  kinges  parkes  and  of  others  as  shalbe 
before  us  presented  worthie  the  pulling  downe.  And  also  to  disclose 
and  sett  open  commons  and  highe  waves,  which  before  us  shalbe  like- 
wise presented  worthie.  And  also  auctorising  us  to  call  bifore  us 
suche  persons  as  shalbe  presented  to  have  severed  the  lond  from  the 
house,  or  that  have  above  the  nombre  of  shepe  or  fermes,  and  to  order 
the  same  by  our  discressions ;  without  which  lettre  we  ar  fullie 
resolved,  that  what  soever  shalbe  presented  worthie  of  redresse  before 
us,  yet  we  cannot  reforme  presentlie  any  parte  thereof,  but  only 
to  set  open  highe  wayes,  which  we  thinke  is  contrary  to  the  meanyng 

1  I.  e.  "  as  well."  2  I.  e.  "  then."  3  7.  e  «  as  much." 


of  our  commyssion  and  thexpectation 1  of  the  peple  and  our  promys 
before  made  unto  them.  And  thus  desiring  the  spedie  furtherance 
therein  we  bid  you  most  hartelie  fare  well,  ffrom  London  the  xth. 
of  July,  1549. 

"  Your  Loving  ifrindes 

"  THOMAS  DABCY  kt. 
"JOHN  GATES  kt." 

Endorsed — "  To  the  Eight  worshipfull  and 
our  verai  Loving  frind  Mr.  Cicell  geove  z 
these  with  spede." 


"  My  good  friends,  things  cannot  go  on  well  in  England,  nor 
ever  will  until  every  thing  shall  be  in  common ;  when  there  shall 
neither  he  vassal  nor  lord,  and  all  distinctions  levelled ;  when  the 
lords  shall  be  no  more  masters  than  ourselves.  How  ill  have  they 
used  us  !  and  for  what  reason  do  they  thus  hold  us  in  bondage  ? 
Are  we  not  all  descended  from  the  same  parents,  Adam  and  Eve  ? 
and  what  can  they  show,  or  what  reasons  give,  why  they  should  be 
more  the  masters  than  ourselves  ?  except,  perhaps,  in  making  vis 
labour  and  work,  for  them  to  spend.  They  are  clothed  in  velvets 
and  rich  stuffs,  ornamented  with  ermine  and  other  furs,  while  we 
are  forced  to  wear  poor  cloth.  They  have  wines,  spices,  and  fine 
bread,  when  we  have  only  rye  and  the  refuse  of  the  straw ;  and, 
if  we  drink,  it  must  be  water.  They  have  handsome  seats  and 
manors,  when  we  must  brave  the  wind  and  rain  in  our  labours"  in 
the  field ;  but  it  is  from  our  labour  they  have  wherewith  to  support 
their  pomp.  We  are  called  slaves  ;  and  if  we  do  not  perform  our 
services,  we  are  beaten,  and  we  have  not  any  sovereign  to  whom 
we  can  complain,  or  who  wishes  to  hear  us  and  do  us  justice. 
Let. us  go  to  the  king,  who  is  young,  and  remonstrate  with  him  on 

1  /.  e.  "  the  expectation."  2  I.  e.  "  give." 


our  servitude,  telling  him  we  must  have  it  otherwise,  or  that  we  shall 
find  a  remedy  for  it  ourselves.  If  we  wait  on  him  in  a  body,  all 
those  who  come  under  the  appellation  of  slaves,  or  are  held  in 
bondage,  will  follow  us,  in  the  hopes  of  being  free.  When  the 
king  shall  see  us,  we  shall  obtain  a  favourable  answer,  or  we  must 
then  seek  ourselves  to  amend  our  condition."  Such  was  the  manner 
in  which  John  Ball,  a  priest  in  the  county  of  Kent,  was  wont 
to  harangue  the  people  in  the  reign  of  Eichard  II.,  as  recorded 
in  Froissart's  Chronicles,  bk.  ii.  c.  73. 


Record  of  the  House  of  Gournay,  by  Daniel  Gurney,  Esq.,  F.S.A., 

p.  565. 


This  family  is  of  great  antiquity  in  Norfolk ;  the  name  was 
originally  spelt  Cat,1  Chat,  Kett,  or  Knight.  In  the  reign  of  King 
John,  Roger  le  Chat,  or  le  Cat,  was  possessed  of  the  manor  of 
Repton  Hall,  alias  Cats  cum  Criketoffs,  in  Ilevingham,  in  that 
county.2  William  le  Cat  owned  it  in  1275,  Henry  le  Cat  in  1285  ; 
after  whom  John  Cat  had  it :  he  was  succeeded  by  Henry  le  Cat, 
who  in  1314  held  it  of  Clare  honour  and  Norwich  see.3  In  1316 
this  Henry  had  a  charter  for  free  warren  for  this  manor,  and  died 

1  The  family  of  Le  Chat  was  probably  of  Norman  origin.     We  find  Jean  le  Chat 
witnessing  a  deed  of  gift  of  60  sous  revenue  to  the  convent  of  Ouche,  in  Normandy,  by 
Avicia,  wife  of  Grautier  de  Hengleville. — Ordericus  Vit.  Caen  edit.  vol.  iii.  p.  31. 

Ilbert  de  Chaz,  whose  tombstone  is  at  Laeock,  was  a  vassal  of  Bohun,  and  came  from 
Chaz  or  Cats,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bohun. — Hist,  of  Laeock  Abbey,  by  Bowles  and 
Nicholls,  p.  352. 

A  family  of  the  name  of  Le  Cat  were  lords  of  Beuvreuil,  near  Grournay,  in  the  15th 
century. — M.  de  La  Mairie,  Supplement  to  Ms  Histoire  de  Gournay,  p.  432. 

2  Blomefield,  in  Hevingham. 

3  Robert  le  Cat  had  an  interest  in  Bexwell,  temp.  Henry  III.,  and  Henry  Cat,  temp. 
Edward  I. — Blomefield,  in  Bexwell. 


the  same  year,  leaving  Margery,  his  widow,  who  had  her  dower 
in  it.  In  1319  she  released  her  dower,  and  William  Catt  and  Kath- 
arine, his  wife,  settled  the  estate  on  themselves  for  life,  with  re- 
mainder to  Henry  Catt,  son  of  William  and  Katharine,  Thomas, 
Henry,  and  Robert,  their  other  sons.  In  1345  Sir  Constantine 
de  Mortimer  was  lord  of  Repton  Hall  manor,  in  Hevingham,  in 
right  of  his  wife,  the  widow  of  William  Cat ;  and  their  escutcheon, 
Mortimer  impaling  Catt,  was  formerly  in  Attleborough  Church 
windows : — 

Or,  fleur-de-lis  sable — Mortimer  of  Attleborough. 

Gules,  three  cats  passaiit  guardant  argent — Catt.         * 

In  1418  Henry  Cat  of  Hevingham  was  returned  by  the  justices 
of  the  peace  as  a  proper  person  to  serve  King  Henry  V.  in  his 
war  against  France.  His  arms  were,  Gules,  three  cats  passant 
guardant  argent. 

Henry  Cat  is  in  the  list  of  Norfolk  gentry  returned  by  com- 
missioners in  1433,  temp.  Henry  VI.1  He  held  Cattys  manor  iii 
Smalburgh,3  and  married  Catharine,  widow  of  William  de  Helveston, 
and  had  William  Catt,  of  Hevingham,  his  son ;  whose  son,  Henry, 
dying  young,  left  his  two  sisters  coheirs :  they  married  Thetford 
and  Yoxley,  in  which  families  the  manor  of  Hevingham  continued. 

A  branch  of  this  family  was  settled  at  Wymondham,  and  was, 
according  to  Blomefield,3  one  of  the  most  ancient  and  flourishing 
there.  In  22nd.  Edward  IV.,  1483,  John  Kett,  alias  Knight, 
was  a  principal  owner  in  that  place.  After  the  dissolution  of  the 
monasteries,  William  Kett  purchased  Westwode  Chapel,  near  that 
place,  in  1546.  This  property  was  forfeited  to  the  Crown  at  the 
rebellion  under  Robert  Kett,  in  1549.  *  * 

The  property  of  Westwode  Chapel  was  restored  to  William, 
son  of  Robert  Kett,  and  descended  to  his  son  Thomas,  whose  son, 
Richard,  sold  it  in  1606. 

In  1570  a  Thomas  Kett  revealed  a  plan  of  conspiracy  against  the 
new  foreign  settlers  in  Norwich.1 

1  Puller's  Worthies.  '2  Norris  MSS.  in  Smalburgh. 

3  Blomefield,  vol.  iii.  p.  258.  4  Blomefield,  vol.  iii.  p.  284. 


This  family  seceded  from  the  Established  Church  very  early  after 
the  Reformation ;  for  on  the  14th.  of  January,  1588,  Francis  Kett,1 
M.A.,  was  burnt  at  Wymondham,  for  heretical  opinions,  then  become 
very  common  in  this  country  from  the  influx  of  Protestant  refugees. 
It  is  remarkable  that  "Westwode  Chapel,  the  former  property  of  the 
Ketts,  was  used  as  the  Quakers'  meeting-house  on  the  first  appearance 
of  that  sect  at  Wymondham,  and  the  one  now  used  is  very  near  it.  " 

After  leaving  Wymondham,  the  Ketts  had  property  at  Stoke- 
Eerry  and  other  parts  of  Norfolk.  Richard  Kett  was  one  of  the 
collectors  of  ship-money  in  1637,  for  the  hundred  of  Forehoe.3 

Robert  Kett  of  Wicklewood  was  among  the  Norfolk  commis- 
sioners for  several  ordinances  in  1643  ;  and  for  collecting  an  assessment 
of  £.60,000,  by  Act  of  Parliament,  in  1657,  amongst  the  commis- 
sioners for  Norfolk  is  Thomas  Kett,  Gent. ;  and  for  Norwich,  Richard 
Ket,  Gent.4  In  1694  Richard  Kett,  grandson  of  Richard  Kett  who 
sold  Westwode  Chapel,  owned  property  at  Roughton,  near  Cromer, 
sold  by  his  son  Henry  Kett,  which  Henry  had  estates  at  Dickleburgh 
in  1729,  still  possessed  by  the  family ;  and  he  purchased  Seething 
in  1747,  which  estate  was  much  enlarged  by  his  son,  Thomas  Kett, 
Esq.,  whose  son,  George  Samuel  Kett,  Esq.,  of  Brooke,  now  holds  it.3 

A  pedigree  of  Kett  is  subjoined,  according  to  present  sources 
of  information  : — 

of  Belt. 

OR,  on  a  fess,  between  three  leopards'  heads  erased  affrontcs  azure,  a  lion  passant  argent. 

Roger  le  Chat,  temp.  John,  Lord  of  Repton  Hall  manor,  in  Hevingham,  Norf. 

Robert  le  Cat,  temp.  Henry  III.  owned  lands  in  Bexwell. 

William  le  Chat,  1275,  in  Hevingham. 

Henry  le  Chat,  1285,  held  lands  in  Hevingham  and  Bexwell. 

John  Catt. 

[l  Lansdowne  MSS.  in  Brit.  Mus.  No.  982  :  "  Condemnation  of  Francis  Kett  for  an 
heretick  in  1588,"  fo.  123.]  2  Blomefield,  vol.  ii.  p.  505. 

3  Norris  MSS.  Collect,  of  Norfolk  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  19  :  Ship-money. 

4  Norris  MSS.  Extracts  of  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons, 

5  Papers  in  possession  of  Mr.  Kett. 


Henry  le  Cat,  1314,  ob.  131 6  =  Margery,  living  1319. 

Robert     John     William  le  Cat —  Catharine,  whose  2nd  husband 

was  Sir  Constantine  Mor- 
timer, 1345. 


Margaret,  Prioress  of  Carrow  Abbey  Henry  Catt  =    .  .  .  Thomas     Henry     Robert 

Henry  Catt,  1418—1433  —  Catharine,  widow  of  William 

de  Helverton. 

N.  N.  a  daughter  ;  marr. —  William  Kelt,  died  young.  N.  N.  a  daughter  ;  man-. — 

Yoxley.  Thetford. 

1483,  John  Kett,  of  Wymondham.  1545,  William  Kett,  of  Wymondham. 


Robert  Kett,  hanged  as  a  rebel,  1549  —   .    .   .    William  Kett,  hanged  at  Wymondham  := 


William  Kett,  temp.  Edw.  VI.  —    .    .    . 

Thomas  Kett,  1570  —   .    .   .  Francis  Kett,  M.A.  burnt  at  Wymond- 

_  [  ham,  1588. 

Richard  Kett,  1606,  sold  the  property  at  Wymondham  —    .   .    . 

_  I 

Robert  Kett,  1643.  Richard  Kett,  1637  —    ... 

__  _  I 

Richard  Kett,  of  Norwich,  son,  or  grandson  of  the  first  Richard,  1657  =    .    .     .    Tho.  Kett,  Gent.  1657. 


Richard  Kett,  of  Norwich,  1694  _  Martha,  dau.  of  John  Hopes  (of  Amsterdam?) 

I  I 

Elizabeth,  marr.  John  Henry  Kett  _    .    .    .    dau.  of  Geo.  Phillips,  of  Stoke-Ferry,  by 

Gurney,  of  Keswick.  d.  1772. 

Martha,  marr.  Edmund 
Gurney,  of  Norwich. 

Plumstead,  a  near  relation  of  the  Penns; 
his  father  or  grandfather  an  officer  in 
Cromwell's  army.  The  Kelts  used  to  pos- 
sess his  pardon,  and  still  have  some  relics 
of  William  Penn  from  this  source. 

1  w.  Lucy,  dau.  of  John  Gurney  =  Thomas  Kett,  Esq.  of  Seething  _  2  w.  Hannah,  dau.  of  Samuel 
of  Norwich.  ob.  1820.  Gurney,  Esq. 

Juliana,  man-.  Charles  George  Samuel  =  Mary,  dau.  and  heir  of  Anna  Maria,  marr. 

Tompson,  Esq..  Kett,  Esq.  F.S.A.          —  Milford,  Esq.  Charles  Barclay,  Esq. 

2   A 



Dugdale's  Mbnasticon,  vol.  iv.  p.  662. 
Priory  of  St.  Leonard  at  Norwich :  a  Cell  to  the  Cathedral. 

On  a  hill  near  the  city  of  Norwich,  in  Thorp  Wood,  Bishop 
Herbert  de  Losinga  built  a  little  priory  and  church,  dedicated  to 
St.  Leonard,  wherein  he  placed  several  monks  whilst  the  cathedral 
church  and  priory  were  in  building ;  and  a  succession  of  others  was 
continued  here  as  a  cell  to  the  great  monastery  till  the  general 

The  house  was  governed  by  a  prior,  who  was  chosen  by  the 
prior  of  Norwich  and  confirmed  by  the  bishop.  This  prior  was 
obliged  to  account  with  the  prior  of  Norwich  annually  for  all  the 
offerings  in  his  priory  of  St.  Leonard,  and  in  the  neighbouring  chapel 
of  St.  Michael  on  the  Mount,  [now  called  KBIT'S  CASTLE,]  also 
founded  by  Bishop  Herbert,  where  he  was  obliged  to  find  a  chaplain 
for  the  performance  of  daily  service,  for  which,  exclusive  of  the 
yearly  sum  paid  towards  his  maintenance  by  the  prior  of  Norwich, 
he  had  a  yearly  stipend.  The  prior  of  St.  Leonard  had  also  a 
pension  of  6s.  4<d.  per  annum  out  of  the  tithes  of  Taverham.  Every 
one  of  the  seven  or  eight  monks  who  resided  here  had  also  their 
separate  stipends.  They  were  obliged  to  find  a  scholar,  and  pay 
him  a  yearly  exhibition,  at  one  of  the  universities,  and  pay  for 
all  his  degrees. 

Priors  of  St.  Leonard,  Norwich. 

Richard  de  Blakeden,  A.D.  1394.         Nicholas  Ayrich,    A.D.  1496. 
Richard  Walsham,  A.D.  1452.  Robert  Catton,  A.D.  1517. 

St.  Leonard's  Church  was  of  great  note  for  an  image  of  King 
Henry  VI.,  which  was  visited  by  pilgrims,  far  and  near,  some  of 
whom  reported  extraordinary  cures  to  have  been  performed  at  it.1 

1  At  the  British  Museum  are  preserved : — 

a.     A  list  of  the  miracles  reported  as  having  been  performed  by  Henry  VI. 
"  ad  invocacionem  beati  Eegishenrici  sexti." — Sari.  MSS.  No.  423. 



The  offerings  at  this  image,  and  at  the  images  of  the  Holy  Virgin, 
the  Holy  Cross,  and  St.  Anthony,  are  stated  to  have  produced 
annually  a  very  considerable  sum.1 

At  the  Dissolution,  the  site  and  demesnes  of  this  cell  were 
granted  by  King  Henry  VIII.  to  Thomas  Duke  of  Norfolk ;  whose 
son,  Henry  Earl  of  Surrey,  built  a  sumptuous  house  upon  the  spot 
which  it  had  occupied,  wherein  he  dwelt,  and  which  was  thence 
called  Surrey  House.3  But  this  earl  being  beheaded,  [Jan.  19,  1547,] 
the  whole  was  forfeited  to  the  Crown,  in  which  it  remained  till  1562  ; 
and  then  Queen  Elizabeth  granted  it,  with  the  wood  called  the  Prior's 
Wood,  in  Thorp,  to  Thomas  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  his  heirs ;  and 
King  James  I.,  in  1602,  confirmed  it  with  two  capital  houses  in 
Norwich  to  Thomas  Howard,  Earl  of  Suffolk,  and  his  heirs. 

b.  The  Bull  issued  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  Henry  VII.  by  Julius  II., 

that  "  diligent  and  prudent  enquiry  be  made  "   with  reference  to  these 
miracles. — Cotton  MSS.  Cleop.  E.  iii.  161 ;  and 

c.  The  monument  intended  for  him. — Cotton  MSS.  Aug.  ii,  1. 
The  hindrances  to  Henry's  being  canonized  were  : 

a.  That  the  miracles  were  not  well  attested,  and  that  the  actions  of  his  life 

savoured  of  weakness  rather  than  sanctity  ;  and 

b.  The  great  expense,  which  wholly  defeated  the  project ;  Henry  VII.  finding 

that  this  would  be  in  proportion,  not  to  the  person  of  the  saint,  but  to  the 
riches  of  him  that  sought  this  favour. — Sapin's  History  of  England. 

1  The  following  extract  from  Dugd.  Monaat.  vol.  iv.  p.  23,  shows  that  there  was 
also  an  image  of  St.  Leonard  to  which  offerings  were  made  : — 

"  Et  ad  imaginem  sancti  Leonerdi  in  capella  sancti 

Leonerdi  juxta  Norwicum   — „  —  „  6|." 

2  Michael  Drayton,  in  his  Epistle  to  Henry  Howard,  Earl  of  Surrey,  says  of  this 
house : — 

"  Why  art  thou  slack,  whilst  no  man  puts  his  hand, 
To  raise  the  Mount  where  Surrey's  Tower  must  stand  ? 
Or  who  the  groundsil  of  that  work  doth  lay 
Whilst  like  a  wand'rer  thou  abroad  dost  stray  ?     *     * 
When  shall  the  Muses  by  fair  Norwich  dwell, 
To  be  the  City  of  the  learned  Well  ? 
Or  when  shall  that  fair  hoof-plough'd  spring  distil 
From  great  Mount  Surrey,  out  of  Leonard's  Hill  P  " 

Blomefieltfs  History  of  Norfolk. 

2  A  2 



Thomas  Codde. 

The  following  inscription  existed  in  Blomefield's  time  on  the 
stone  covering  the  remains  of  Thomas  Codde,  in  the  church  of  St. 
Peter  per  Mountergate  :  no  trace  of  either  stone  or  inscription  can 
now  be  found,  though  it  is  just  possible  it  may  be  discovered  under 
the  flooring  of  the  present  pews,  should  they  ever  be  removed  : — 

M.  8. 

"  Hie  jacet,  et  per  annos  CXV 

Jacuit,  quod  mortale  fuit, 
Sed  nou  quod  reliquum  fuit, 

Viri  istius  Boni  et  Benefici 
THOME  CODD  quondam 
Senioris,  et  Eebellanti  Ketto 

Opporfcuni,  Fidelia,  et  strenui, 
Civitatis  hujus  Norwici  Majoris. 

Ne  ignorarent  Posteri,  cui  Ha?c 
Parochia,  itno  Civitas  Norw: 

Tantum  debeut,  notum  esse 
Pi§  voluit,  omnium  qui  bene 

Fecerunt,  Gratissimus  Cultor." 

On  another  stone,  no  trace  of  which  can  now  be  found,  was  the 
following : — 

"  Here  lyeth  Johau  Codd  wedowe  late  the  Wiff  of  Thomaa  Codd 
Citizen  and  Alderman  of  Norwich,  who  deceased  the  5th.  of 
March  1566." 

The  heads  of  his  will,  which  is  dated  October  12th,  1558,  are 
annually  read  at  this  parish  church  at  his  commemoration  sermon, 
which  is  preached  before  the  Court  of  Mayoralty  every  Sunday  before 
the  feast  of  St.  Thomas.  The  Mayor  and  Corporation  have  not, 
however,  attended  at  this  service  since  1835.  His  effigies,  which 
has  also  passed  away,  was  in  Blomefleld's  time  visible  in  a  north 


window  in  the  nave,  in  which  also  were  remains  of  the  effigies  of 
St.  Francis  (which  shows  as  if  he  were  a  brother  of  the  adjoining 
monastery  of  Franciscan  friars),  and  St.  Edmund  naked,  with  his 
hands  tied,  his  crown  on,  and  his  hody  full  of  arrows,  and  under 
him  this  broken  inscription  : — 

*      *       *      "  istius  Civitatis  Maioris  et  Aldermani      *      *      *       ejus  et  pro 
quibus  tenentur." 

I  am  indebted  to  G.  W.  W.  Minns,  Esq.,  LL.B.,  for  the  following 
information  relating  to  Codd's  Gifts  : — 

Codd's  Gifts. — The  following  account  is  from  the  Reports  of  the 
Commissioners  on  Charities  and  Education,  1815 — 1839  : — 

Great  Hospital. — Codd's  Gift. 

"  There  is  property  in  the  parishes  of  St.  Peter  per  Mountergato  and  St.  Benedict, 
probably  derived  from  Thos.  Codd,  the  rents  of  which  are  carried  to  the  accounts  of  the 
Great  Hospital,  and  out  of  the  rents  there  is  paid  £.10  yearly  to  the  minister  of  St. 
Peter  per  Moimtergate,  for  preaching  a  sermon  on  the  Sunday  before  St.  Thomas's  day, 
called  Codd's  Sermon,  also  the  sum  of  £.1.  6*.  8d.  to  the  churchwardens  of  the  same 
parish,  as  for  '  Knight's  meat,'  but  which  sum  is  in  fact  applied  for  the  benefit  of  the 
poor,  and  £.2.  3s.  Gd.  to  the  sword-bearer,  this  sum  being  also  entered  in  the  accounts  as 
Codd's  Sermon." 


The  Summes  of  moneye  payed  and  delyvered  by  me  Herry  Huston 
in  ye  tyme  of  ye  Campe  at  Mussolde,  w*  ye  Assent  and  consent  of  the 
ynhabtance  of  ye  Townchype  of  Elmham,  and  wherfore  and  to  whom, 
as  herafter  in  the  parcells  more  playnly  shall  apere,  &c.  : — 

Imprimis,  to  John  wryght  for  to  bye  w*  one  fyrkyng  of  ")  _ 
beare  and  for  ye  gage  of  ye  ffyrkynge ) 

Item,  for  ffyshe  xijd  for  bred  vjd  for  mustard  ijd  for  1 
Garleekes  and  Oynnyngs  bought  ther  and  then  ijd    i 

Item,  to  wyllm  dyks  for  hys  carte  and  horses  to  cary  w1  |  _ 

vytalls  to  the  seyd  Campe    )       »J» 


Item,  delyvered  to  Thomas  powle  my  partener  yen  to  be  |  _          •        ... 
bestowed  upon  suche  thyngs  as  yer  neaded    ) 

Item,  delyvered  to  hym  aftr  y*  to  ye  entents  aforseyd  ...      —  „  —  „  xvj 

Item.  Alowed  to  myselffe  for  my  carte  and  horses  to  ")  _ 

cary  w'  yytalls  to  ye  seyd  Campe  &c )        "     " 

Item,  for  bred  yen  vjd  for  iij  ffyrkyngs  of  bere  yen  ijs  vjd        —  „  iij  „  — 

Item,  for  bred  after  y*  iiijd  and  delyvered  also  to  ye  seyd  ") 

Thomas  Powle  my  partener  to  ye  entents  aforseyd  f  —  „  iiij  „  iiij 
iiij" J 

Item,  payed  to  dyks  wyfFe  aftr  y'  for  j  fykynge  of  Alle  ")  _ 

xd  for  ffyse  yen  viijd  for  salte  ijd j       "       "* 

Item,  to  Thomas  Pettus  for  ij  Saulter  bokes  —  „  v  „  iiij 

Item.  Alowed  to  myselffe  for  my  Carte  and  horses  to  ") 

cary  w' vytalls  to  ye  seyd  Campe )        "  1J   " 

Item,  for  ye  Eepacion  of  ye  hernes  vjd  ob  for  arow  heads  >, 
jd  for  bred  vjd  for  oynyngs  jd  for  bredd  aft1  y'  xiijd 
for  arowes  ijd  for  halters  ijd  for  bred  ijd  for  ij  fyr-  i- —  ,,iiij  „  ix 
kyngs  of  bere  xxd  to  Thomas  Cott  for  mendyng  of 
his  bowe  and  stryngs  iijd  ob J 

Item,  for  bredd  after  y'  vd  to  Motts  for  ij  Staves  vjd  for  ~) 

Onynyngs  j  ob  to  pytcher  for  j  Staff  iijd  for  iiij  ffyr-  f  -  „  iiij  „  x  ob 
kyngs  of  bere  iijsiiija  for  butter  jd  for  bredd  ijd J 

Item,  to  herry  wakefield  for  mendyng  of  hys  hernes  jd  )  _ 
for  bredd  vjd  for  bred  aft1  y»  ijd  j" 

Item.  Alowed  to  myselff  for  my  wages  and  p*  of  my  com-  ") 

mons  xxjd  for  j  fyrkyng  of  bere  xd  for  bredd  iiijd  for  f  —  „  iij  ,,  viij 
ffysh  viijd  for  tack  nayles  jd J 

Item.  Alowed  to  myself  for  my  Carte  and  horses  after  )  _ 
y*  to  cary  vytalls  to  ye  seyd  Campe  &c J 

Item,  to  herry  wakefeeld  and   Clement  Crow  for  yer- 
expensses  and  of  yer  horses  in  Norwch  when  they 
caryed  ye  meal  and  malte  xxd  for  Salt  and  bredd  iiijd  \-  —  „  ij  „  iiij 
for  ffyshe  onynyns  iijd  and  for  ye  brueng  of  one 
fiyrkyng  of  ber  w'in  Norwych  jd 

Item,  in  Expensses  at  fakenham  for  Mr  Vycar  and  other  "1 
comrades  toke  befor  ye  Kyngs  Comyssyoners  yer  ...  j 

Item,  to  Wyllim  Smyth  towards  ye  settyng  furth  of  ye  1 
Sowdyours  of  landytch  hundred  ( 


Item,  rec'  of  Thomas  Shetell  for  land  ferme  iiij8  ijd  wher- 
of  was  alowed  hym  for  caryeng  of  vytalls  to  ye 
campe  at  Norwyche  ij8 

Item,  delyvered  to  those  of  y"  townchype  of  Elmhara  y*  ^ 
went  ifyrst  to  ye  camp  at  Mushold,  that  ys  to  saye 
to  xij  of  them  by  the  Assent  and  Consent  of  seyd 
townchype,  besyds  other  chargs  yer  by  ye  seyd  Assent  ^ —  „  xij  „  — 
and  Consent  as  herafter  in  ye  severall  parcells  wher- 
fore  and  to  whom  they  wor  payed  and  delyvered 
more  playnly  shall  apere  &c •* 

Item,  to  ye  wyves  of  herry  ffyld  and  Rob*  Clerk  ye  seyd  \  _ 
tyme,  pore  folcks,  yer  husbonds  beyng  at  ye  Campe    ) 

Item,  delyvered  after  y*  to  certen  of  ye  seyd  Town  goyng  )  _ 
to  ye  Campe  and  for  yer  Expenss  by  the  waye  ) 

Item,  to  Ry  chard  Watson  and  hys  Compenye  after  y*  ")  _ 

for  yer  expenss  also  by  ye  waye  thyther 


Item,  to  Thomas  Wakefeld  aftr  y*  toward  ye  healyng  of  ")  _ 
hys  hands  and  face  hurt  at  ye  ifyrst  skyrmyehes  &c.  ) 

Item,  payed  ye  xth  daye  of  August  to  suche  as  shold  *\ 

tarye  at  the  sayd  Campe  for  ja  wags  one  week,  (  —  „  xiiij  „  — 
that  is  to  seye,  to  Eyght  of  yem  w*  ye  Constable    . . .  ) 

Item,  for  mendyng  ofhernes  yer  vjd  and  to  one  y*  turned  ")  _  • 

ye  Spets  ijd  for  flysh  iiijd  to  Brown  also  iiijd j 

Item,  to  Bob*  Clerk  then  for  hys  wagys  one  moneth  ^ 

beyng  ther   Coke   besyde   ye   gyft   to   hym  afore  £  —  „  iij  „  iiij 
wry  tten  ) 

Item,  delyvered  to  yem  of  ye  Campe  the  xiiij  daye  of  •) 

Auguste  after  y'  for  certen  thyngs  to  be  brought  >  —  „   x  „  — 
yer  and  then ) 

Item,  to  lamberd  for  byeng  of  ffyshe  and  other  chargs  for  ")  _  • 

hym  and  his  horse  ye  saterday  and  Sundaye  aftr  y'  J 

Item,  delyvered  to  Thomas  powle  one  of  the  Constables  ")  _       -•     —• 
of  North  Elmham  at  yc  same  tyme  &c ) 

Item,  payed  to  viij  men  ye  xxth  daye  of  August  aftr  y*  ~\ 

wch  wer  apoynted  to  tery  '  yer  for  yer  wagys  aftr  [  —  „  xiiij  .,  — 
iijd  ye  daye ) 

Item,  to  vj  men  y*  came  from  ye  Campe  then  to  drynk  )  _  • 

wl  homewards  by  the  waye  Ac 5 

1  /.  e.  "  tarry." 


Item,  to  y"  Turner  of  ye  Spets  ijd.  And  sent  to  ye  Campe  ") 
ye  Tuasdaye  next  after  y'  by  John  "Wryght  ) 

Item,  to  handforth  and  hys  Sone  for  yc  caryeng  of  one 

_      ^^^     in 
barrell  of  bere  to  ye  seyd  Campe  on  horse  backe  ...  f 

Item,  delyvered  to  Thomas  Cott  ye  Saterday  before  ye 

last   Skyrmyssh   for  hym   and   hys   Compenye  to  ^  —  „  —  „  xiiij 
drynke  w*  by  the  waye  &c. 

Item,  to  Mr.  Quayts  for  hys  haver  ["  I  do  not  know  what  -\ 

this  is." — Q-.  J.]  yer  wych  we  had   (at)   ye  Campe  (  —  „  iij  „  iiij 
and  was  lost  ther  &c ) 

Item,  to  James  lynne  of  Norwyche  for  a  Copper  Shetell  ")  _        x       •• 
a  Spete  and  a  payle  lost  at  ye  Campe J 

Mr.  Goddard  Johnson,  in  sending  this  extract,  says  :  "  The  above  is  copied  from  the 
Parish  Account-book  of  North  Elmham,  of  entries  there  made  relative  to  Kett's 


1548  and  1549. 

Extracts  from  the  Accounts  of  Rob*  Raynbald  Chambeiieyn 
of  the  Cite  of  Norwiche  from  the  fest  of  Sl  Mychaell  tharchangell 
2  Edw.  VI.  until  the  sayd  fest  of  Sent  Mychael  in  the  3d  yeare. 

p.  283.      Cyte  locJiers. 

Itm.  of  Thomas  Toly  for  the  fyrst  £  yere  ferme  of  the  ~)  _ 

4th.  and  5th.  stalls  bothe  in  oon )  ~~  "  V"J  "  ~ 

and  of  him  for  the  last  i  yere  nothyng  forasmoche 
as  he  was  hangyd  as  a  traytor. 

Itm.  of  Edmond  Ferebye  for  the  fyrst  i  yere  ferme  of  ~>  _ 

thexthstalle j  ~~  "  VUJ  "" 

and  for  the  last  halff  yere  nothyng  for  asmoche  as 
ye  said  Ferebye  was  a  rebell  in  mushold  kenell  who 
fled  and  left  nothing  straynabyll.1 

1  I.  e,  "that  could  be  distrained  "  for  rent. 


p.  284.     Gantry  backers,  Long  How. 

Itm.  of  John  Kyng  for  the  first  \  yere  ferme  of  the  ")  _ 
second  stalle  on  the  same  rowe  3 

and  for  the  last  \  yere  nothyng  for  y'  ye  sayd  Kyng 
was  a  rebell  in  Mushold  kenell  and  was  nevyr  hard 
of  syns.1 

p.  285.     Itm.  of   John  Hylle   for  the  first  half  year  ")  _ 
ferme  of  the  second  stalle    3 

and  for  the  last  \  yere  nothyng  for  that  the  sayd 
hylle  was  a  Eebell  in  Mushold  kenell  and  was  not 
hard  of  syns. 

p.  2856.      Itm.  of  John    Olivar  for  the  fyrst  i  yere  T  _ 
ferme  of  xvij  Shop    > 

and  of  hym  for  the  last  £  yeare  ferme  nothyng  for 
y'  the  sayd  Olivar  was  a  Eebell  in  Mushold  kenell 
and  came  no  more  ageyn. 

But  Ed  of  Alyce   Cobbe  for  a  payer  of  old  trustylles  ")  _ 
and  ij  bourds2  y'  war  in  the  Shope 3 

p.  286.     Tenements  and  Qroimds.     Dyv'  places. 

Itm.  of  Thomas  Hubbard  for  iij  qrs.  ferme  ended   at  "1  _          j.    y. 
Mydsom1  for  the  butter  hylls3    •» 

and  for  the  last  qr.  nothyng  for  y'  the  rebells  of 
Mushold  kenell  brake  down  the  fences  thereof  and 
made  y*  common  for  that  tyme. 

p.  287.     Itm.  of  John  Bronde  for  ferme  of  the  hedde  -. 
place  wth  xiij  Tenements  in  south  Conysford  and  a  | 
kyllyarde  whyche   place  and  tenaments   be   nowe   }• —  „  Ixvij  „  viij 
consumyd   w'  ffyer   by  the   Eebells   of  Musholde   | 
kenell J 

Myghelmatt.  [Payments'] 

p.  292.     Itm.  for  makyng  clene  of  the  Comon  Halle  lane  ") 

whiche  was  very   sore  noyed    *     *     *    by  reason  /    —  „  —  „  x 
of  the  Coinocion 

J  I.  c.  "  since."  2  /.  e.  "  boards." 

8  To  the  south  and  west  of  St.  Peter's  Southgate  Church  lie  the  hills  called  "  But- 
ter Hills,"  but  corruptly,  the  true  name  being  "  Botelars  "  or  Butler's  hills,  on  whose 
summit  stands  the  "  Black  "  or  "  Governor's  Tower."  The  Prioress  of  Carrow  leased 
these  hills,  in  1521,  to  the  City  for  ever,  at  a  rent  of  ten  shillings  a  year.— Hist,  of 
Norfolk  :  Lynn,  1778.  Continuation  of  Bkmefield,  by  the  Sev.  Chas.  Parkin,  of  Oxborougn . 

2  B 


Ifcm.  to  old  kettryngham  and  his  sonne  for  earying  of  "^ 
xxxviij  lods    *    from  ye  sayd  lane  and   Cokys  l  and   I 
Streetes  beyonde  the  Water  which  war  very  sore   f        >    J  " 
noyed  by  reson  of  ye  sayd  comocion    J 

p.  293.     Common  Stathes. 

The  iveke  byfore        Itm.  payd  to  John  Styngate   fermr  -i 
Wytsontyde.           ther  for  lc  fadam  of  Rede  layd  in   j 
the  old  Comon  stathe  yard  for  reparacion  of  the   ! 
old  howse  in  the  yarde,  whiche  reede  was  fechyd2  f       "  XVJ  "  "" 
(as  the  sayd   Styngate   sayeth)   by  the  rebella  of 
mushold  kenell -^ 

p.  295.     Itm.   payd   to   Edmond  Toungs    for   makyng  -> 
clene  of  the  halle,3  Stepyll,  buttry,  pantry,  kechyn,4  | 
backhowse,  and  all  oyr  howses  of  Oft'yce  ther,  whiche   \- —  „  xiij  „  iiij 
war  sore  noyed  w*  the  kyngs  provysyon  ther,  ovr  j 
and  above  xiij3  iiijd  Ed  of  Mr.  Spencer    1 

Itm  hewyng  freestone  for  the  benchys  end  at  the  ") 
Stepyll  dore  and  layeng  them  one  day  J 

Itm  to  Wylliam  Atkyns  his  prentyse  the  same  day  ^ 
patchyng  the  Steppys  going  out  of  the  hall  into  I 
the  Kechyn,  which  war  brokyn  with  rolling  down  f 
of  vessells,  and  mendyng  dy  verse  fawts  * J 

p.  2951.     Itm  to  a  mason  mendyng  iij  or  iiij  of  the  ") 

forsayd  steppys  which  war  new  brokyn  at  my  lord  [   ij      „ 

of  "Warwyks  provysyon  ther    ) 

Itm.  pd  to  Thomas  Pecke  fermr  of  the  tenem*  nexte  the  > 
ij  Elmys  by  the  commandement  of  the  hole  cownsell 
of  the  Cyte  for  certen  dores,  wyndows,  loops,  yron 
worke,  glasyng,  *****  planks  for  a  Sta- 
byll,  a  *  *  *  w*out  the  Strete  dore,  a  payer  of 
myddyll  gats  in  the  entry,  w*  oyr  reparacions  done 
by  hym  in  the  comocion  tyme,  wheroff  to  the  ac- 
comptant  was  not  than  prevy,  wheroff  the  partyclers 
do  appere  more  at  large  in  a  byll  made  by  the  sayd 
pecke  and  delyvdd  to  M.  Mayer  and  hys  brothern  .  «, 

1  /.  e.  "  grates  "  to  the  sewers.  2  1.  e.  "  carried  off." 

3  St.  Andrew's  Hall,  late  the  Black  Friars,  which  had  at  that  time  a  steeple 

4  /.  e.  "  kitchen." 

5  /.  e.  "faults,"  or  "  defective  parts." 


p.  2966.     Foren  receipts. 

Urn.  Ed  of  John  Eonhale  for  C  xiiij  Ib  of  yron  parcell l  -\ 

of  the   porcolas 2   of  fybrygge    Gats 3   which   war  C  —  „  vij  „  - 

brent 4  in  the  Comocion  ty me J 


Itm.  Ed  of  certen  churchis  w'  in  the  Cyte  toward  ye  gret 
charges  ye  Cyte  hade  by  reson  of  a  Comocion  in 
the  Country  : — 

Inprimis,  Ed  of  Seynt  Peters  in  Mancroft x1' 

Itm.  of  Sent  Mychaells  in  Coslany x" 

„     of  Seynt  Andrews    x1' 

„     of  Seut  John  in  Madermarket xij'1 

„     of  Seynt  Gregory es xu 

„     of  Seynt  Lawrens    xh 

„     of  Seynt  Sothons 5  x1' 

„     of  Sent  Maryes  in  Coslany  6 x1' 

„     of  Seynt  Margaryts vh 

„     of  Sent  Marten  in  Coslany  7  iiij1' 

„     of  Sent  George  in  Colgate  v1' 

„     of  Seynt  Awstens    vh 

„     of  Sent  Clement  in  Fybrigge iiij11 

„     of  Seynt  Symonds   iiij" 

„     of  Sent  George  in  Tombland vh 

„     of  Sent  Mychael  at  the  Plee  vju  xiij8  iiij'1 

„     of  Sent  John  tymbyr  hylle vu 

„     of  Sent  Peters  in  North  Conysford  8 v" 

„     of  Seynt  Powles  iiij" 

„     of  Sent  Mychaels  in  berstrete  ° xxxiij8  iiij1' 

„     of  Sent  Johns  at  the  Gats  10 xl8 

„     of  Sent  Martens  at  tymbyr  hylle  xls 

1  J.  e.  "  parcel,"  or  part.  2  I.  e.  "  portcullis." 

3  The  repairs  of  Py  bridge  Gates  were  subsequently  paid  for  by  Alderman  Sywhat, 
as  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  p.  3086  of  these  accompts. 

4  /.  e.  "  burnt."  5  /.  e.  Saint  Swithin's. 

6  Or,  St.  Mary's  in  Colegate.  7  I.  e.  Saint  Martin's  at  Oak. 

8  I.  e.  Saint  Peter's  per  Mountergate.  9  I.  e.  St.  Michael's  at  Thorn. 

10  Or,  St.  John  at  the  Castle  Gate,  now  St.  John's  Timber-hill. 

2   B   2 

*  —  » 1J »  mJ 


Itm  of  Seynt  Cro  wches  l  .......................................  —  „  xlg 

„    of  All  Seynts  in  Berstrete  .................................  —  „  lx8  , 

„    of  Seynt  G-yles    .............................................  v1'  „  —  , 

Sum  .....................     clu  vjs  viijd. 

p.  301.  Item  pa  by  the  comandement  of  Mr  Wylltn  Rogers  -s 
then  Mayor  for  certen  stuff  layd  at  fybrygge  keye  for 
reparacion  of  the  same,  in  which  tyme  suche  gret 
Keyne  felle,  and  after  that  the  comocion,  for  y'  the 
sayd  reparacion  cowde2  not  be  done.  And  fyrate 
pd  to  John  bronde  for  brekyng  Ston  ..................  - 

Other  mynute  expenses  hade  and  pd  betwyxt  mydsomr 
and  inyhelmes  in  the  tyme  of  thys  accompt  of,  for, 
and  by  reason  of  a  Comocion  steryd  and  reysed  of 
the  common  pepyll  of  Norff.  and  Nonviche,  and 
Inkennelled  upon  Mushold  hethe  and  in  thorpe 
wood  and  in  the  place  cald  St.  leonard3  therunto 

p.  304.  Item  pd  in  the  tyme  of  my  lord  of  Warwyck 
beyeng  in  the  Cyte  these  parcells  folowyng  : 

p.  3046.     Item  to  a  man  that  gathered   together  ten^, 
C  wights  and  carryed  them  to  an  howse  which  was  I 
shatered  and  caryed  awaye  out  of  the  Crane  howse  f        "        "  '"•' 
at  the  Common  Stathe  when  y*  was  brent  ............  J 

p.  304.     Item  gafle  in  reward  to  Mr.   Norry  haywad4  |  ... 

at  armys  w'  may  lord  the  erle  of  Warwick  ............  )       "       "      ^ 

Item  to  Mr.  Bluemantyll,5  harward    ........................      —  „  xl   „  — 

Item  to  ij  Trompeters  y1  same  tyme    ........................      iiij  „  —  „  — 

Item  pd  to  Henry  Woodrof  laborer  attendyng  upon  the 
Accomptant  xiiij  dayes  whyle  my  lord  of  Warwike 

was  in  the   Cyte,6  ronyng  of  Brands,  helpyug  to 
melte    the    Gonshotte,    caryeng   of    wood,    mo 
tendyng  to  the  Masters  of  the  Ordenance  w'  m 
turmoylyng  worke  bothe  nyght  and  daye  at  vjd 

1  This  church  has  been  totally  demolished  since  1551. 

2  I.  e.  "could."  »  See  Appendix  (F). 

4  /.  e.  "  herald,"  or  rather  Norroy  king  at  arms,  Gilbert  Dethick,  Esq. 

5  Edmund  Atkinson,  Esq. 

8  The  Earl  of  Warwick  entered  the  city  the  24th.  of  August,  and  left  on  or  after  the 
7th.  day  of  September,  to  judge  by  this  item. 

f  —  »  "ij  ,,  vij 


p.  505.     Item   payd  to   Henry  Woodrof  and  Andrew  ^ 
Robynson  laborers  makyng  clene  the  market  place 
aftr  my  lord  was  gon  yche  of  them  xxiiij  days,  and  r —  „  xxv  „  — 
to  John  Angell  laborer  xij  days  makyng  clene  and  I 
lodyng  of  carts  at  vd  day  every  of  them -J 

Item  to  Robert  Rogers  laborer  makyng  clene  vyronnde1 
the  guyldhalle  w'out,  and  also  ye  leds,  chambers 
and  prysens  which  war  very  sore  noyed  xj  days  at  vd 

Itm  to  Andrew  Robinson  and  sonne  helpyng  hym  and  )  _       ™        -• 
the  other  laborers  xiiij  dayes  at  iiijd ) 

Itm  to  John  Cadbye  for  caryeng  Ixij  lodes  *  *  *  out  )  _         -        • 
of  the  market  place  at  ijd  ob  2 / 

Itm  to  yong  Keteryngham  for  xxiiij  lods  at  ijd  ob —  „  v  „  — 

Itm  to  old  Keteryngham  for  fourty  lods —  ,,viij,,iiij 

Itm  to  Henry  Carter  for  xxij  lods  —  „  iiij  „  vij 

Itm  to  "Wyllm  Thrower  for  xxxiiij  lods  —  „  vij  „    j 

Itm  to  Edmond  hobbard  for  Ixvj  lods —  ,,xiij  „  ix 

Itm   more  to  hym   for  xxiiij  lods  y'  came  out  of  the  ") 

guyldhalle  and  prysons  and  from  a  vought 3  that  f  —  »  v  »  — 
place  w'out    s 

Itm  pd  to  dyv8  men  for  Sholvys,  mattocks,  baskets,  bolls,4  )  _        - 
Treys,  wode  and  Candyll ) 

p.  3056.  Drynke,  brede,  mete,  cariage,  ropys,  nayles, 
menys  labores,  and  an  |  c  leke  thyngs  not  possybill  to 
be  wryten  particulerly,  spent  at  my  lord  of  "VVarwik 
and  my  lord  Marqways  comyng  for  ramperyng  of 
gats,  strets,  lanys,  deks,  and  abought  stanchyng  the 
fyers  in  Conysford,5  w'  many  oyr  chargis  requerid  at 
dyvse  menys  6  hands  aftr  the  departyng  of  the  forsayd 
from  the  Cite,  ij  lords. 

1  I.  e.  "  all  round."  2  I:  e.  1\A. 

3  I.  e.  "  vault."  4  7.  e.  "  shallow  baskets." 

*  This  mention  of  the  fire  in  Conisford  may  be  considered  as  settling  the  question 
as  to  whether  it  occurred  during  Kett's  Rebellion  or  some  previous  disturbance. 
Blomefield  was  undoubtedly  mistaken  in  supposing  that  any  such  prior  commotion  had 

6  7.  e.  "  men's." 


•f  • 

p.  305J.     Itm  to  Sander  Clark  and  oyr  laborers  makyng ' 
clene  the  comon  halle,  bowses,  and  Cloysters,  which 
war  wonderfully  sore   noyed,   *      *     and  makyng 

r  •  *      L   p          XX11  V 

clene  alle  ye  common  halle  lane,  layeng  part 

in  the  Cloyster  yarde  and  part  caryed  in  to  the  | 

Strete,  in  all  charges  at  that  place   J 

Itm  to  Cadby  for  caryeng  often  lods     *     *     out  of  the  )  _       -      • 
lane  ther     3 

p.  306.     Itm  for  byrchyn  bromys  occupyed  in  the  market  ^ 

place,  comon  halle,  and  comon  stath,  when  they  war  £  —  „  —  „  vj 
made  clene ' 

Itm   to   Mr.   Awsten   Steward   Aldn  upon   a   byll    for  ~~| 

stoppyng  of  certen  holes  in  the  town  walls  nere  r —  »  mj  »    .] 
pokethorpe  Gats  and  Magdalen  Gats J 

Poktliorpe     Itm  pa  to  Mr.  Jermyne  for  ij  c  fote  of  dry  ") 

Oats        plankes  feched  at  leonards  for  Pokethorpe  >  —  „  xiij  „  iiij 
gats J 

p.  306 b.     Itm  for  caryeng  the  same  to  Byrchys    — „  —  „  viij 

[tm  for  caryeng  of  ij  lods  of  old  tymbyr  from  the  whyte  ) 

ffryers  brydge  to  byrchys,  to  be  sawen  and  broken  r  —  »  —  »  v»j 
for  pokethorp  and  byshoppe  gats ) 

Itm  to  John  Elye  for  ij  newe  hengylls  for  oon  of  the  halfH 

Gats  ther  lvu  at  iijd  j  ~~  "  Xly  "  l 

Itm  to  hym  for  mendyng  of  ij  old  hengylls  yl  servyd  for  ) 

the  other  halff  gate   j  ~  "  ™  "  X: 

Itm  to  hym  for  dyce  l  hede  nayles  and  Eyvetts  xiju  at  iijd      —  „  iij   „  - 

Item  the  rest  of  all  the  charges  of  Pokethorpe  Gats  as  ")    •• 
well  for  Carpenters  craft  as  for  yron  J 

p.  3076.     Itm  worke  was  pd  for  by  the  Churchwardens  ~~| 
of  Seynt  Jamys  paryshe,  savyng  pd  to  John  Eonhale 
for  wyddyng2  of  the   eeys/  of  the  oon4  payer  of  I—  „  —  „  xij 
hengylls,  and  for  returnyng  of  them  and  settyng  on  j 
of  them  and  ryyettyng  J 

Itm  pd  to  Mr.  Codde,  Mayer,  for  dry  planke  for  byshoppe  \ 

Gats,  oyr  and  above  yl  which  be  left  of  pokethorpe  (  —  „  x  „  x 
gats  j  C  and  xiiij  fote ) 

1  I.  e.  "nails  with  dice-shaped  heads."  2  J.  e.  "  widening." 

3  /.  e.  "  eyes."  -t  /.  e.  ><  one-» 


Itm  to  John  byrche  for  liiij  foote  of  planke    —  „  iij  „  — 

Itm  to  the  sayd  byrche  and  hys  brother  for  all  chargis  ^ 

of  workemanshyppe  of  the  sayd  Gats  in  Carpenters  (  .. 

craft  w',  hangyng  of  them  as  it  appereth  by  yr  par-  \ 
ticular  bylls 

Itm  more  to  them  for  certen  tymbyr  of  yr  own,  ovr  and  -\ 

besyde  the  tymbyr  y*  came  from  the  Whyte  ffryers  C  —  „  xij  „  — 
brydge,  as  it  appere  more  at  large  by  ther  bylls ) 

Itm  Eondhale  for  iiij   newe  hengylls  of  jj^  viiji1' '  at  ")  _ 

iijdib : ) 

Itm  to  hym  for  dyce  hede  nayle  and  Eyvetts  ^  iji  at  7  , 

iijdlb ) 

Itm  to  hym  for  a  payer  of  Jemewes  for  the  Clycke  gate  7  _ 
xiiij1'  at  iijd    3 

Itm  to  hym  for  ij  C  Inglyshe  nayle  for  the  lynyng  of  \  _ 
the  gats  of  vj  bore S 

Itm  to  hym  for  Clynkyng  2  of  the  sayd  gats —  „  v  ,,  — 

p.  308.     Itm  for  caryeug  of  the  same  gats  from  byrchys  \  _ 
at  ij  lods  to  young  Ketteryngam J 

Itm  to  Edmond  Bower  for  ij  newe  plate  locks  wl  keyes  >  _ 
and  settyng  on ) 

Itm  to  hym  for  barres,  capps,  stapylls,  hookes,  hespys,  7  _ 
chenes,  and  oyr  thyngs,  xxvj1' at  iijd    ) 

Itm  for  dy vse  sort  of  nayles    —  „  —  (J  ij 

Itm  pd  to  Eichard  dobyllday  freemason  for  heavvng  of  ^ 

freeston,  and  newe  reparyng  ye  walls  of  the  same  {  —  „  iiij  „  — 
gats  on  the  feldsyde3  vj  days  at  viijd  ) 

Itm  to  John  Newman  rowmason4  vj  days  at  vijd  —  „  iij  „  vj 

Itm  to  ther  ij  laborers  vj  days  at  vd — „  v  „  — 

1  I.  e.  108i  Ib. 

-  Clinking  is  riveting  on  both  sides,  while  riveting  is  only  on  one  side,  the  reverse 
having  a  head,  as  a  nail. 

3  I.  e.  "  on  the  field,  or  outer  side." 

4  I.  e.  "  Bough-mason,"  a  common  stonemason's  labourer. 


Itm  to  oyr  ij  laborers  fechyng  stagyng,  tymbyr,  hyrdylls,  ~\ 

and  ledders,  from  dyvse  places  of  ye  Cyte,  and  caryeng  >  —  „  v  „  — 
stufle '  and  heye  to  ye  oyr  p'  of  the  towers,  vj  days  ) 

Itm  to  nayles  and  bast  for  wolds  2  —  „  —  „  v 

Itm  to  the  sayd  ij  masons  for  iij  dayes  more  settyng  a  -v 

Wyndow  in  the  est  wall,  and  castyng  all  the  bowses  I  ...      . 

w'in,  laying  bylletts  and  hooks  in  the  gate  bowse  f 
byneth    J 

Itm  to  ther  ij  laborers  ye  same  iij  days  and  to  ye  oyr  ij  ^ 
laborers  carryeng  home  ye  stagyng,  tymbyr,  ledders,  I 
and  hyrdyles,  and  makyng  ye  bowses  and  leds  clene  f 

same  iij  dayes    J 

Itm  to  Mrs.  Cotton  for  xviij  Combs  3  lyme     —  „  ix  „  — 

Itrn  to  Henry  Carter  for  sonde  ij  lodes  —  „  —  „  xij 

p.  3086.     Itm   to   John  byrche  for  a  newe  "Wyndowe  ~)  _        ~        — 
stalle  set  in  the  est  wall  ovr  ye  gate    j        "       ' 

Itm  for  lyntell  for  the  same  both  above  and  bynethe,  the  )  _ 
"Wall  beyng  very  thycke  5 

Itm  for  a  newe  loope  for  the  vyce4  dore  byneth    —  „  —  „  xx 

Itm  to  Edmond  Bower  for  a  newe  locke  and  keye  for  ") 
ye  vyce  dore  and  settyng  on j 

Itm  for  a  payer  of  hengylls  5  for  y e  same  dore   —  „  —  „  xiiij 

Itm  for  certen  stapylls,  hooks,  and  vorells,6  for  the  long  ")  _ 
tymbyr  barre  of  the  gats  j 

fylrygge     Itm  All  charges  of  ffybrygge  Gates,  as  well " 
Gate        for  Carpenters  Craft,  masons,  Smythes,  plom™, 
as  for  yron  worke,  tymbyr,  lede,  and  all  other  kynds 
of  Stuffe  war  pd  and  don  by  Mr.  Nycholas  Sywhat,  }- —  „  —  „  viij 
Aid.,   at   whose    Charge   I  knowe   not,  but  pd  to 
paschall  for  cuttyng  asonder  ye  Clynke  nayles  of 
ye  porcolas7  ther  

1  "Stuffe,"*.  e.  the  wood,  &c.  of  which  the  staging  was  composed:  "  heye,"  i.  e. 
hay,  which  was  used  in  plastering  instead  of  hair. 

2  I.  e.  bass,  or  rush  ropes,  for  "  woldering  "  or  folding  round  anything. 

8  A  comb  is  four  bushels.  4  The  door  at  the  foot  of  a  spiral  staircase. 

8  /.  e.  "  hinges." 

s  I.  e.  iron  hoops,  one  at  each  end  of  tbe  timber  bar,  to  prevent  splitting. 
?  I.  e.  "  portcullis." 


Itm  payd  to  John  Elye  for  a  newe  locke  and  key  for  )  _  - 

the  Inder  dore  and  settyng  on 5 

Itm  to  ij  laborers  for  oon  day  worke  takyn  awaye  the  ^ 
rampere  from  the  utter  gate  yr,  and  lede  the  manr  l  [ 
of  the  same  at  ye  waye  w'out  the  same  gate  to  ' 
Inlarge  yt  and  made  clene  the  Tower  w'in 

p.  309.     Itm  for  lyme  iiij  Combs  and  Sonde 2  a  lode    ...      —  „  ij  „  vj 

Itm  to  Henry  Woodrof  and  Andrewe  Eoby  Senr  laborers,  -| 
makyng  clene  all  ye  Strete  next  ye  Comon  Stathe  as 
far  as  ye  Comon  bowses  go,  caryeng  the  bryke  and 
Ston   in   to   yc  comon  Stathe  grownd,  and  all  ye 
Colder 3  in  to  ye  Kylyard  and  makyng  clene  dy vse 
howses  w'in  ye   Comon   Stathe  place,  layeng  the  ' 
colder  in  the  yarde  and  a  gret  porcion  of  brent  Corn, 
and  cavehyng4  up  ye  bryke  in  corners  ther,  xxvij 
days  worke  at  sondry  tymes  betwyxt  Myhelmas  and 
Cry stmes  at  xd  the  day  together     

p.  3104.     Itm  for  tymbyr  for  ye  Style  nexte  Conysford         —  „  ij  „  — 

Itm  for  posts  Eayles,  pales,  and  tymbyr,  for  ye  Style  next  )  _       vj- 
berstrete  for  ye  Inclosyng  ther    / 

Itm  for  a  newe  falgate  5  redy  made —  •  •  iiij  „  — 

Itm  for  caryeng  of  the  sayd  falgate  and  other  tymbyr  to  1  _  • 

berstrete  and  Conysford  •» 

Itm  for  vjd  and  iiijd  nayles  w'  yron  worke  as  hooks,  eeys,  \_ 
stapylls,  and  hesps    J 

Pynfolds.     Itm  pd  to  Colson  carpenter  for  takyng  down  -s 
the  posts  and  Eayles  of  the  pynfold 6  at  tymbyr  I 
hylle,  aftr  the  poles  war  takyn  awaye  by  ye  rebells,  f-  —  „  vj  „  viij 
and  dyvydyng  ye  same  stuff  into  ij  pynfolds  yr7  I 
wherof  be  set  ye  oyr  at  Seynt  Awstens    ..  J 

1  I.  e.  "  manor;"  any  kind  of  rubbish,  as  old  mortar,  bricks,  &c. 

2  7.  e.  "  sand." 

*  J.  e.  ashes,  cinders,  fragments  of  brick,  mortar,  Ac. 

4  I.  e.  "  piling  up  roughly." 

4  /.  e.  a  gate  that,  when  open,  falls  to  of  its  own  accord. 

6  A  common  pound  for  stray  cattle.  7  I.  e.  "  there." 

2  c 


Itm  the  rest  of  all  the  chargis  of  the  sayd  ij  pynfolds 
was  born   by  the  sayd   Colaon  and  John  howman, 
who  spoyled   ye   sayd    pynfold    in   the    Comocion  }•  -  „  —  „  xsiij 
tyme,   but  pd  for  yron  worke   for   the  pynfold  in  I 
Seynt  Awstens  J 

Itm  for  caryage  of  the  tymbyr  from  tymbyr  hylle  to  ) • 

Seynt  Awstens 5 

p.  3116.     Itm  payd  to  John  Dabiiey,  Eychard  peerse,  and  ^ 
John  Eussell  of  Ambryngliall,1  Dykers,  for  newe  | 
Dykyng  a  gret  porcion,  and  dyvse  parcells  of  ye  }- —  „  xxix  ,.  ix 
comon  close 2  which  was  cast  down  by  ye  rebells  I 
xvij  days  worke  at  xxja  a  day  altogether J 

Itm  to  the  forsayd  iij  men  and  to  henry  Eussell  w'  them  ••> 
hedgyng  not  allonly  3  yl  p*  which  was  newe  dyked,  ! 
but  also  gret  part  of  the  same  Close  y*  was  dyked  f 
viij  days  worke  at  ij8  iiijri J 

Itm  for  lawes4  bought  in  the  market  and  some  tyme  sent  ")  _         

for  in  the  County  M  vjC  bought  at  dyvse  pryces  ...  5 

Itm  to  henry  Norton  of  hethyll 5  for  xxiiij  lods  of  thornys  ") 

redy  layd  in  the  sayd  Close  in  suche  places  as  they  \  —  ,,  xlviij  „  — 
war  occupyed J 

Itm  to  hym  for  xijC  staks6  layd  ther —  „  xij  „  — 

Itm  to  Bob'  Spall  for  a  newe  falgate,  ij   gret  postes,  a  ") 

framyd  style,  w'  all  tymbyr  yrto7  belongyng,  worke-  \  • —  „  vij  „  - 
manshyppe,  and  settyng  up } 

Itm  for  caryeng  the  same  thyther  iiijd  for  yron  worke  | 

for  the  same  gate  xviiijd    )        "       »  XX'J 

p.  3126.      Itm  p«  to  Mr.  Awsten  Stewerd  Aid.  for  a 
pece    of   fyne  worsted    y*  was    govyn8    to    Mastr 
Stafford  knyght  marshal!  to  my  lord  of  Warwyke  '    VJ  "  ~ 
at  his  beyng  here 

1  I.e.  "Arminghall." 

2  /.  e.  "  town-close :"  this  "  casting  down,"  &c.  is  described  at  p.  31  of  the  History. 
:t  "  Not  allonly  ;"  i.  e.  "  not  only." 

4  I.  e.  "  white-thorn  layer,"  to  be  laid  in  the  bank  to  raise  a  living  fence. 

5  Hethel.     The  Corporation  had  an  estate  here  at  this  time,  and  have  it  still. 

6  I.  e.  "  stakes."  7  7.  e.  "thereto."  *    I.  e.  "  given." 


Payments  by     Itm  for  a  pece  of  Russell1  that  was  govyn 

Mr.  Codd    to   Mr.   holmys   Secretary   to  my  sayd  ^  iiij  „  —  »  — 
Mayer.         lord 

Itm  pd  for  supper  for  the  Kyngs  attorney  and  solyerys  2  |  _       x-    vj;: 
and  servants  at  the  Angel 3 ) 

Itm  to  yong  Ketteryngam,  Nycolls,  and  hemlyng,  for  ")  _         •      

caryeng  of  the  Alinayns  to  thetford ) 

Itm  for  losse  hade  in  sellyng  of  jc  Kyngs  brede  after  | xxx     

the  Soldyers  war  gone  from  the  Cyte ) 

p.  313.     Other  mynute  expenses. 

Itm  for  ij  horses  for  Sir  Andrew  fflamok —  „  iiij  „  — 

lira  for  a  Guyde  for  a  pursevant  to  Attleburgh —  „  —  „  xij 

Itm  for  ffy sh  for  my  lord  of  Warwy k  on  ffryday —  „  xxiij ,.  iiij 

Itm  to  Thorns  Kyng  for  wrytyng  of  Mr.  Codds  accompt  ~\ 

of  suche  receyts  and  payments  as  he  had  receyved  >  —  „  iij  „  iiij 
and  payd ) 

Itm  pd  by  the  determynacion  of  Mr  Mayer,  and  of  the 
hole  cownsell  of  the  Cyte,  to  the  separcells  followyng 
at  sondry  tymes  as  sewte  4  was  made. 

Imprims  to  Mr.  Morent  for  ij  packyn  roppys  dd  6  to  the  ~\ 

constabyll  of  ffybrygge  warde  for  the  parcolas 6  of  >  —  „  vj  „  viij 
Seynt  Awstens  and  ffybrygge  Gates ) 

Itm  to  John  Bramford  constabyll  of  Seynt  Peters  for  -\ 

certen   thyngs   pd    by   hym   in  the   tyme   of   the  I  _       x      

comocion,  as  it  appere  by  a  byll  put  in7   to  Mr  \ 
Mayer  and  hys  brothern ' 

Itm  to  John  Mace  for  certen  basketts  dd5  to  pookthorp 
and   byshoppe   Gats,  at   ye   < 
Marques8  and  lord  Warwyke 

and   byshoppe   Gats,  at   yc   comynge   of  my   lord  £  — 

Itm  to  Andrew  Quash  upon  a  byll  of  dyvse  thyngs  layd  |  _         •        — 
out  by  hym i 

1  A  fine  kind  of  satin,  so  called.  2  /.  e.  "  soldiers." 

3  Now  the  Royal  Hotel,  in  the  Market-place. 

4  /.  e.  "  as  suit,"  or  "  application  for  the  money,"  was  made. 
4  /.  e.  "  delivered."  «  I.  e.  "  portcullis." 

7  I.  e.  "  sent  in."  8  The  Marquis  of  Northampton. 

2  c  2 


p.  313J.      Itm  to  Walter  fleer  for  certen  costes  don  by  ~\ 

hym   upon  the   Tower l  nexte  the  Eyver  bynethe  C  _  B  iij  ;,  ij 
pokethorpe  gats,  aftr  the  comociou  as  it  appere  by  \ 

hys  bylle 

Sum  totall ccxju  xix8  xd 

Allowances.     In  prims  the  Awdytes  appoynted  for  this  ~\ 

Accompt  have  allowed  to  the  sayd  Accomptant  for  >  —  „  v  j>  — 
ye  Ingrossyng  of  thy s  Accompt  ij  tymes J 

Itm  they  have  allowyd  hym  xxvj9  viijd  payd  by  thands2  \ 

of  Mr.  Thomas  Codde  Mayer  to  Crystover  Cocke,  f ,,xxvi,,viij 

Tannr,  for  caryeng  of  erthe  out  of  his  garden  nexte  V 
ye  newe  Mylls  which  came  out  of  ye  ryver - 

Itm  in  consyderacion  that  ye  sayd  Accomptant  was  put  ~\ 

to   the   many   paynys   in    the    receyvyng   of,    and  !    •  •   ^ ^ 

purchasyng  of,  the  Shoppe  in  the  market,  and  in  the  V 
comocion  tyme,  and  syns  ye  comocion * 

p.  314.     In    repayryng   of    all    suche    thyngs    as   was^| 
wasted  and  dekayed  by  the  rebells,  and  layeng  out 
of  hys  own  goods,  and  borowyug  of  hys  frends,  as 
well  for  the  payment  for  the  forsayd  Shoppys,  as  for   }• —  „  xl  „  — 
the  reparacion  of  the  forsayd  dekayes,  tylle  monaye 
myte  at  layser3  be  preparyd  and  levyed,  all  whyche 
thyngs  consydered  they  have  allowd  hym J 

Sum  totall cccliij11  „  —  „  xxiijd 

p.  311i.     And  so  the  comialte4  owe  to  the  Accomptant  ~\ 

for  hys  fforen  payments,  whyche  he  have  payd  more  >  lxxj,,iiij  „  j 
than  he  have  recevy d  in  fforen  receyts / 

Whyche  they  have  allowd  out  of  j^x  „  v  „  iiji5  of 
the  arrerage  of  the  revenews  of  the  Cyte  and  so  the 
sayd  Accomptant  knowledge  hymselif  detter  to  the 
comialte4  in  redy  money  viij'1  „  —  •  „  xiijd  £  and 
in  detts  not  yet  Eecd.  iiju  xviij8.  xd. 

Thys  Accompt  was  vewyd  examynd  and  determyned  by  the  Awdyters  here  after 
namyd  the  xxvij  day  of  Mnye  in  the  iiijth  yere  of  Kyng  Edwarde  ye  vj. 

WTLLM  EOGEBS         1   j^^ 

AWSTEN  SlEWAED         J 


•»    _ 

J  ' 

1  This  is  now  called  "  the  Cow  Tower."  2  /.  e.  "  the  hands." 

3  I.  e.  "  at  leisure."  4  I.  e.  "  commonalty."  *  L  e.  £79.  5s. 



Letter  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset  to  the  Vice-  Chancellor  and  Mayor 
of  Cambridge,  from  C.  H.  Cooper's  Annals  of  Cambridge, 
vol.  ii.  p.  36. 

We  comend  us  right  hartylie  unto  you,  And  by  your  joyntlye 
lettres  of  the  tenthe  of  this  monthe  we  understand  as  well  the  dis- 
ordre  of  certain  light  persons  there  attempting  disclosures  and 
remeadyes  of  their  owne  greifes ;  As  also  your  good  wyse  dealing 
with  them  toward  the  appeasing  of  them,  for  the  which  first  we  give 
you  heartie  thanks  with  commendacion.  And  for  the  further  ordre 
of  your  proceedinge,  we  will  you  the  maior  as  your  officer  and  govern- 
our  being  your  Steward,  that  you  shall  principallye  behave  your  selfe 
with  your  brethren  so  as  maye  best  tend  to  the  comon  quiett,  And 
declaring  unto  them  the  pleasure  of  the  Kinge's  Majestic  nowe 
signified  by  his  majesties  commission  for  the  redresse  of  unlawfull 
inclosures  and  suche  enormityes,  And  if  they  shall  not  reteyne  ordre 
by  the  kings  authoritie,  but  by  their  owne,  Assure  them  of  the  Kings 
Majesties  extreame  indignacion,  and  in  the  end  to  lacke  their  redresse 
which  uppon  their  good  behaviours  they  shall  both  speedilye  and 
effectually  receave.  For  the  better  opynion  wherof  if  there  be  any 
manifest  unlawfull  inclosures  of  late  made,  the  same  may  be  by  yor- 
selves  redressed,  and  you  our  vicechanceller  as  by  our  direction  being 
your  chancellor,  we  will  that  ye  endeavour  your  numbre  to  shew 
themselves  som  good  exaumples  of  obeydyence,  that  learning,  virtue, 
and  godlinesse  be  not  slaundered,  but  that  by  your  conformitie  and 
temperaunce  the  difference  may  be  tryed  betwixt  the  ignorant  and  the 
learned,  the  rude  and  the  taught.  And  herein  resteth  no  small 
chardge  of  you  and  others  which  ought  by  your  profession  to  be  a 
lyght  of  virtue,  godlinesse,  and  obedyence.  Assuring  you  both  that 
the  Kinges  Majestie  hath  in  his  hands  both  mercye  and  justice.  And 
as  his  majestic  hath  bene  hitherto  disposed  to  distribute  the  one 
largelye :  So  will  he  and  must,  if  he  be  provoked  dilate  the  other, 
throughe  the  power  of  God  who  keep  both  your  societies  in  his  peace, 


to  the  respect  whereof  we  authorize  you  to  bend  your  poure  and  force. 
And  if  by  gentlenesse  the  offenders  do  not  cease  their  evill,  Lett  them 
(if  they  be  liable)  cease  by  your  execution.  Thus  fare  ye  well.  From 
Syon  xiijth  of  Julye,  1549. 

Yr  loving  friend 



C.  H.  Cooper's  Annals  of  Cambridge,  vol.  ii.  p.  37. 


After  our  hartye  commendacions,  We  have  receaved  your  letters 
of  the  fifteenth  of  this  instant,  and  thereby  understand  your  request 
for  a  pardon  to  be  graunted  to  certayne  persons  lately  offending 
within  the  Countye  of  Cambridge,  whereunto  uppon  hope  of  their 
amendment  we  are  conformable,  And  to  that  end  we  send  you  here- 
with their  pardon,  upon  the  proclayming  whereof  we  will  ye  declare 
the  kings  majesties  bountifull  mercye  and  goodnesse  towards  them 
being  moved  with  pittye  upon  this  their  first  offence,  And  uppon  the 
committing  of  the  like  not  to  trust  for  his  majesties  mercye  to  be 
shewed  unto  them,  but  for  his  princelye  power  and  sword  to  be 
extended  against  them  as  a  scourge  to  rebells.  And  yet  perceaving 
amendment  uppon  this  admonition,  his  majestic  will  accept  and  use 
them  as  any  other  his  faithfull  subjects  not  committing  the  like 
offences.  Thus  we  bidd  you  farewell.  From  Westminster  the  xvi"1 
of  Julye  A°  1549. 

Yor  loving  friend 


Postscriptum.     We  praye  you  further  to  confer  with  the  Sheriff, 
and  for  the  better  execution  of  this  to  use  his  power  and  authoritye. 



The  Devonshire  Rising. 

But  the  most  dangerous  commotions,  which  held  so  long  as  to 
entitle  them  to  the  name  of  rebellions,  were  those  of  Devonshire  and 
Norfolk ;  places  remote  from  one  another,  but  such  as  seemed  to 
have  communicated  counsels  for  carrying  on  of  the  design. 

The  first  of  these  in  course  of  time,  was  that  of  Devonshire,— 
begun  (as  those  in  other  places)  under  pretence  of  throwing  open  the 
enclosures,  but  shortly  found  to  have  been  chiefly  raised  in  mainte- 
nance of  their  old  religion.  On  Whitsun-Monday,  June  the  tenth, 
being  next  day  after  the  first  exercising  of  the  public  Liturgy,  some 
few  of  the  parishioners  of  Samford  Courtney  compelled  their  parish 
priest,  who  is  supposed  to  have  invited  them  to  that  compulsion,  to 
let  them  have  the  Latin  mass,  as  in  former  times.  These — being 
seconded  by  some  others,  and  finding  that  many  of  the  better  sort 
were  more  like  to  engage  in  this  quarrel  than  in  the  other — pre- 
vailed with  those  which  before  had  declared  only  against  enclosures, 
to  pretend  religion  for  the  cause  of  their  coming  together.  And  that 
being  done,  they  were  first  headed  by  Humphrey  Arundel,  Esquire, 
commander  of  St.  Michael's  Mount,  and  some  other  gentlemen,  which 
so  increased  the  reputation  of  the  cause,  that  in  short  time  they  had 
made  up  a  body  of  ten  thousand  men.  Of  this  commotion  there  was 
but  little  notice  taken  at  the  first  beginning,  when  it  might  easily 
have  been  crushed ;  the  Lord  Protector  not  being  very  forward  to 
suppress  those  risings,  which  seemed  to  have  been  made  by  some 
encouragement  from  his  proclamations.  In  which  respect,  when  the 
mischief  did  appear  with  a  face  of  danger,  and  could  not  otherwise 
be  redressed  but  by  force  of  arms,  instead  of  putting  himself  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  the  Lord  Russell  is  sent  down  with  some  slender 
forces,  to  give  a  stop  to  their  proceedings.  But — whether  it  were 
that  he  had  any  secret  instructions  to  drill  *  on  the  time,  or  that  he 

1  Johnson  supposes  the  word,  in  this  sense,  to  be  a  corruption  of  "  drawl." 


had  more  of  the  statesman  than  the  soldier  in  him,  or  that  he  had  not 
strength  enough  to  encounter  the  enemy — he  kept  himself  aloof,  as  if 
he  had  been  sent  to  look  on  at  a  distance,  without  approaching  near 
the  danger. 

The  rebels  in  the  mean  time,  increasing  as  much  in  confidence  as 
they  did  in  numbers,  sent  their  demands l  unto  the  king ;  amongst 
which,  one  more  specially  concerned  the  Liturgy,  which,  therefore, 
I  have  singled  out  of  all  the  rest,  with  the  King's  answer  thereunto, 
in  the  words  that  follow.  It  was  demanded  by  the  rebels,  that, 
"  forasmuch  as  we  constantly  believe,  that  after  the  priest  hath 
spoken  the  words  of  consecration,  being  at  mass,  there  celebrating 
and  consecrating  the  same,  there  is  very  really  the  body  and  blood 
of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  God  and  man ;  and  that  no  substance 
of  bread  and  wine  remaineth  after,  but  the  very  self-same  body 
that  was  born  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  was  given  upon  the  cross 
for  our  redemption ;  therefore  we  will  have  mass  celebrated  as  it 
was  in  times  past,  without  any  man  communicating  with  the  priests ; 
forasmuch  as  many,  presuming  unworthily  to  receive  the  same,  put 
no  difference  between  the  Lord's  body  and  other  kind  of  meat ;  some 
saying  that  it  is  bread  both  before  and  after ;  some  saying  that  it  is 
profitable  to  no  man,  except  he  receive  it,  with  many  other  abused 

To  which  demand  of  theirs  the  King  thus  answered :  viz.,  that 
"  For  the  mass,  I  assure  you,  no  small  study  nor  travail  hath  been 
spent  by  all  the  learned  clergy  therein  ;  and,  to  avoid  all  contention, 
it  is  brought  even  to  the  very  use  as  Christ  left  it,  as  the  Apostles 
used  it,  as  the  holy  fathers  delivered  it ;  indeed,  somewhat  altered 
from  that  to  which  the  Popes  of  Rome,  for  their  lucre,  had  brought 
it.  And  although  (saith  he)  ye  may  hear  the  contrary  from  some 
popish  evil  men ;  yet  our  majesty,  which  for  our  honour  may  not 
be  blemished  and  stained,  assureth  you  that  they  deceive,  abuse  you, 
and  blow  these  opinions  into  your  heads,  to  finish  their  own  purpose." 
But  this  answer  giving  no  content,  they  marched  with  all  their 

1  These  are  given  at  full  length,  with  the  answer  received  from  the  King,  by  Foxe,  in 
his  Book  of  Martyrs,  bk.  is. 


forces  to  the  siege  of  Exeter ;  carrying  before  them  in  their  march 
(as  the  Jews  did  the  ark  of  God,  in  the  times  of  old)  the  pix,  or 
consecrated  host,  borne  under  a  canopy,  with  crosses,  banners,  can- 
dlesticks, holy  bread  and  holy  water,  &c.  But  the  walls  of  Exeter 
fell  not  down  before  this  false  ark,  as  Dagon  did  before  the  true  ;  for 
the  citizens  were  no  less  gallantly  resolved  to  make  good  the  town 
than  the  rebels  were  desperately  bent  to  force  it.  To  which  resolu- 
tion of  the  citizens,  the  natural  defences  of  the  city  (being  round  in 
form,  situate  on  a  rising  hill,  and  environed  with  a  good  old  wall) 
gave  not  more  encouragement  than  some  insolent  speeches  of  the 
rebels,  boasting  that  they  would  shortly  measure  the  silks  and  sattens 
therein  by  the  length  of  their  bows.  For  forty  days  the  siege  con- 
tinued, and  was  then  seasonably  raised :  the  rebels  not  being  able 
to  take  it  sooner,  for  want  of  ordnance,  and  the  citizens  not  able 
to  have  held  it  longer,  for  want  of  victuals,  if  they  had  not  been 
succoured  when  they  were.  One  fortunate  skirmish  the  Lord  Russell 
had  with  the  daring  rebels  about  the  passing  of  a  bridge,  at  which 
he  slew  six  hundred  of  them,  which  gave  the  citizens  the  more 
courage  to  hold  it  out.  But  the  coming  of  the  Lord  Gray,  with 
some  companies  of  Almain  horse,  seconded  by  three  hundred  Italian 
shot,  under  the  command  of  Baptista  Spinoli,  put  an  end  to  the 
business ;  for,  joining  with  the  Lord  Russell's  forces,  they  gave 
such  a  strong  charge  upon  the  enemy,  that  they  first  beat  them 
out  of  their  works,  and  then  compelled  them,  with  great  slaughter, 
to  raise  their  siege.  Blessed  with  the  like  success  in  some  fol- 
lowing fights,  the  Lord  Russell  entered  the  city  on  the  sixth 
of  August ;  where  he  was  joyfully  received  by  the  half-starved 
citizens,  whose  loyalty  the  King  rewarded  with  an  increase  of  their 
privileges,  and  giving  to  their  corporation  the  manor  of  Exilond. 
The  sixth  of  August,  since  that  time,  is  observed  amongst  them 
for  an  annual  feast,  in  perpetual  gratitude  to  Almighty  God  for 
their  deliverance  from  the  rebels  ;  with  far  more  reason  than  many 
such  annual  feasts  have  been  lately  instituted  in  some  towns  and 
cities,  for  not  being  gained  unto  their  king.  But,  though  the  sword 
of  war  was  sheathed,  there  remained  work  enough  for  the  sword  of 

2  D 


justice,  in  executing  many  of  the  rebels,  for  a  terror  to  others. 
Arundel  and  the  rest  of  the  chiefs  were  sent  to  London,  there 
to  receive  the  recompense  of  their  deserts ;  most  of  the  rabble 
were  executed  by  martial  law ;  and  the  Vicar  of  St.  Thomas,  one 
of  the  principal  incendiaries,  was  hanged  on  the  top  of  his  own 
tower,  apparelled  in  his  popish  weeds,  with  his  beads  at  his  girdle. 

Heylin's  History  of  the  Reformation. 


State  Paper  Office — Domestic — Edward  VI.  vol.  viii.  56. 

Sir  ye  shall  understande  that  one  John  Whyte  came  unto  me 
uppon  Sonndaye  last,  and  delyvered  me  a  bill  of  certayne  worcles 
spoken  by  one  George  Mecchar,  whom  I  send  unto  you  with  the  said 
bill  and  his  answers.  Sir,  as  a  pore  man  maye  requier  you,  be  playne 
with  my  Lord's  grace,  that  under  the  pretence  of  symplyssitie  and 
povertie  there  maye  rest  mouche  myschyffe.  So  doe  I  feare  ther 
dothe  in  these  men  called  Common  Welthes  and  there  aderents.  Too 
declare  unto  you  the  state  of  the  Gentilmen  (I  mean  as  well  the 
greatest  as  the  lowest)  I  assure  you  they  are  in  souche  dowte,  that 
allmost  they  dare  touche  none  of  them,  not  for  that  they  are  afrayed 
of  them,  but  for  that  some  of  them  have  bene  sent  upp  and  come  a 
waye  without  ponysshement,  and  that  Common  Welthe  called  Latymer 
hathe  gotten  the  pardon  of  others  (and  so  they  speke  manyfestlye) 
that  I  maye  well  gether J  some  of  them  to  be  in  gellocye 3  of  my  Lord's 
ffrendship,  yea  and  to  be  playne,  thinke  my  Lord's  grace  rather  to 
will  the  decaye  of  the  gentilmen  than  otherwyse.  prayinge  you  to 
requier  my  Lords  grace  to  beare  with  my  boldness,  for  as  God  shall 
helpe  me,  I  wryte  yt  onelie  of  dutie  and  reverence  that  I  beare  to  the 
King's  majestie  and  his  grace.  Assurynge  you  that  yf  wordes  maye 
doe  harme  or  maye  be  treason  or  any  ylle 3  come  of  them,  ther  was 

1  /.  e.  "gather."  2  I.  e.  "jealousy."  3  I.e.  "ill." 


never  none  that  ever  spake  so  vyllye  l  as  these  called  Common  Welt  lies 
doe.  And  let  not  to  saye  that  yf  they  have  not  reformacyon  before 
the  feast  of  St.  Clement  they  will  seke  another  waye.  I  travelled 
yestardaye  with  my  Lord  Warden  who  semed  to  me  to  be  in  dowte 
that  my  Lord's  grace  toke  his  letters  in  ylle  parte  rather  than  good 
for  that  he  hathe  not  byn  fully  answeryd  of  them  from  his  grace 
towchinge  these  sedycyous  persons.  Too  be  playne  with  you,  uppon 
full  communycacyon  hadd  with  hym,  he  said,  That  although  tyme 
served  not  nowe,  he  dowtyd  not  but  that  my  Lord  wold  punyshe  :  and 
that  yf  his  grace  wolde  so  wryte  unto  hym  yt  wolde  fully  satysfie. 
I  wryte  this  unto  you  to  thentente3  I  wolde  wyshe  my  Lord's  grace 
somewhat  consortable  to  wryte  unto  hym ;  for,  yf  I  shuld  saye  myne 
opynyon,  a  man  is  rather  to  be  kepte  in  this  whorlinge  worlde  then 
lefte  in  dowte.  I  have  wrytten  the  leke  letter  to  my  Lord's  grace 
here  inclosed :  yf  yt  shall  seame  meate  unto  you  to  be  delyvered  I 
praye  you  seale  yt  and  delyver  yt :  yf  yt  shall  seme  unto  you  not  mete, 
I  praye  you  use  the  parte  of  a  ffrende  :  and  to  the  pore  man  Eflecchar, 
I  praye  you  be  as  good  to  hym  as  you  rnaye  for  he  hathe  a  wyffe  and 
viij  chyldren.  Trustinge  that  from  hencefourthe  he  will  be  an  honest 
man  as  knowethe  Allmyghtie  God,  who  graunte  you  long  lyffe  ffrom 
Dover,  the  xth.  of  September 

Your  poor  ffrend 


Too  the  right  worshipfull  and  my  very 
ffrende  Mr.  Cycell. 


Ketfs  Governours. 


TJte  hundred  of  Fourefioo.*—  Eobt.  Kelt,  Thomas  Eolff,  Willm.  Ket. 

The  hundered  of  North  grenehotve.6 — Edmond  Fframyngham,  Willm.  Tydde. 

1  I.  e.  "  vilely."  2  I.  e.  "  the  intent." 

:(  The  names  of  those  that  represented  Norwich  have  been  lost. 

4  I.  e.  "  Forehoe."  5  I.  e.  "  Greenhoe." 

2  D  2 


The  hundred  of  South  Erpyngham. — Reynold  Thurston,  John  Wolsy. 

The  hundred  of  Est '  Flegge  and  West  Flegge. — Symond  Englysshe,  Willm.  Pecke. 

The  hundred  oflandryche?  —  George  blomefild,  Willm.  Herryson. 

The  hundred  of  Eynsforth?  —  Edmond  belys,  Eobt.  Sendall. 

The  hundred  of  ITumbleyard. — Thomas  Prycke,  Henry  Hogekyngs. 

The  hundred  of[Nor]tk  erpyngham. — Eychard  Bevis,  Willm.  Dowty. 

The  hundred  \Tav\erliam. — Thomas  Garrod,  Willm.  pefcyr. 

The  hundred  ofbrothercrosse. — Eobt.  Manson,  Eobt.  Ede. 

The  hundred  of  Slowfeld. — John  Spregey,  Ely  Ilyll. 

The  hundred  off  Walsham. — John  Kytball,  Thomas  Clerke.4 

The  hundred  of  Tunsted. — John  Herper,  Eichard  lyon. 

The  hundred  of  Happynff. — Edward  Joye,  Thomas  Clocke. 

The  hundred  of  Hensted. — Willm.  Mowe,  Thomas  Hollyng. 

The  hundred  of  Holt. — John  Bossell,  Valentyu  Moore. 

The  hundred  ofloudon  and  Knaveryng? — Eobt.  lerold,  Eichard  Ward. 

The  hundred  of  South  c/renehowe. — Edward  Byrd,  Thomas  tudenham. 

The  hundred  of  Me/forth.6 — Symond  Newell,  Willm.  Howlyng. 

The  hundred  off  Frebrygge.7 — Willm.  Heydon,  Thomas  Jaeker. 

The  hundred  of  Oallowe. — Eobt.  Cotte,  John  Oxwyke. 

The  hundred  of  depewade. — Willm.  Browne,  Symond  Seudall. 

Suff.9— Eychard  Wright. 

Harl.  MS8.  304,  fo.  75 

I  have  mucli  pleasure  in  giving  here  the  following  additional 
explanations,  tending  to  throw  light  upon  Kett's  Grievances ;  for 
which,  as  also  for  much  other  valuable  information,  I  am  indebted  to 
G.  A.  Carthew,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  of  Dereham. 

P.  49,  line  8. — Stice,  *.  <?.  "  Stica,  mensura  numeralis  25  anguillas 
continens." — Spelman.  Gloss. — [I  give  Spelman's  explanation  ;  but 
as  he  unfortunately  does  not  explain  "  anguillas,"  it  is  of  little  or  no 

P.  50,  line  1. — Castleward  rent.     The  great   feudatories  of  the 

1  I.e.  "East."  2  /.  e.  "Launditch."  3  I.  e.  "Eynesford." 

4  See  page  107.  6  /.  e.  "  Loddon  and  Clavering." 

6  I.  e.  "  Mitford."  7  I.  e.  "  Freebridge  Lynn." 

8  As  the  Grievances  immediately  follow,  we  may  assume  the  list  of  hundreds 
represented  by  Governours  to  be  complete.  Twenty-four  had  representatives,  and  nin 
had  not. 


Crown  were  bound  to  make  certain  payments,  collected  by  the  Sheriff 
or  his  bailiffs,  for  the  keeping  or  defence  of  the  King's  castles : 
"  Castri  defensio  vel  custodia,  quam  alii  e  precario  faciunt,  alii  ex 
terrarum  servitute." — Spelmanni.  Glossarium.  Such  payments  were 
in  proportion  to  the  number  of  knights'  fees,  &c.  held.  The  mesne 
lords  subinfeoffed  the  manors  so  charged,  and  the  knights,  and 
others  holding  of  them,  in  their  turns  required  their  under-tenants  to 
perform  the  services,  or  make  the  payments  in  lieu  of  them. 

See  an  account  of  the  Castle  Guard  rents  payable  by  the  Bishop 
of  Norwich,  and  other  great  barons,  to  the  King's  castle  at  Norwich, 
and  of  the  knights'  fees  charged  therewith :  also  much  information 
relating  to  Castle  Guard,  Blanchefarm  rents,  &c.,  in  Kirkpatrick's 
Notes  on  Norwich  Castle,  published  by  Edwards  and  Hughes,  Lon- 
don, 1845,  Appendix  to  History  of  the  Religious  Orders,  &c.  of 
Norwich.  With  regard  to  Blanchefarm  rents,  Kirkpatrick  says 
(App.  p.  294),  "  I  suspect  there  may  be  no  more  in  these  rents  of 
Alba  Firma  (blanch  or  white  farm)  at  first,  than  only  quit-rents  due 
to  the  King,  which  'were  usually  paid  at  the  castle." — [See  p.  50, 
note  2,  suprd,.~\ 

P.  51,  line  1. — Ffeodorye,  Feudary,  or  Feudatory,  was  an  officer 
of  the  Crown,  whose  duties,  combined  with  those  of  the  Escheator, 
were  to  take  care  of  the  feuds  or  rights  of  the  King,  and  to  see  that  no 
dues  in  respect  of  lands  held  in  capite,  escheats,  marriages,  wardships, 
&c.,  were  lost;  and  for  that  purpose  he  held  inquisitions,  or  offices 
(so  called  from  being  taken  by  him  ex  qfflcio),  for  inquiring  into 
the  facts. 

The  meaning  of  this  prayer  is,  they  wanted  the  Feudary  in  every 
case,  instead  of  being  appointed  by  the  Crown,  to  be  appointed  by 

P.  52,  line  3. — "  Esthetory  and  Ffeodarie,"  i.  e.,  Escheator  and 
Feudary,  both  of  which  have  been  just  explained. 

This  article  means,  that  no  man  shall  be  put,  by  the  officers 
above  mentioned,  to  the  expense  of  an  inquisition,  either  post  mortem 
or  otherwise,  unless  he  held  of  the  King  in  chief,  or  capite,  above  £10 
a  year. 


But,  even  with  this  additional  information,  I  must  admit  that 
there  are  still  difficulties  in  these  Grievances  which  I  have  not  suc- 
ceeded in  clearing  up. 


At  a  gate  between  Bishop' s-gate  and  the  Hospital  Tower,  were 
placed  six  pieces  ordnance,  charged  with  more  than  two  hundred- 
weight shot,  and  other  furniture,  of  bows,  bills,  and  arrows,  against 
the  which  came  great  numbers  of  boys  to  take  the  water,  but  they 
were,  with  the  arrows  and  shot,  letted  of  their  purpose.  And 
this  wrighter  till  noon  was  in  ayde  of  them,  and  being  sent  for  a 
barrel  of  beer  for  the  drye  armye,  was  met  by  a  great  number  which 
came  through  the  river,  and  so  scared  the  gunners  away  and  others, 
that  some  ran  to  raise  up  the  City  for  more  help,  for  the  rebels  had 
broken  up  the  rampires,  opened  the  gates,  and  carried  up  6  pieces  of 
ordnance  to  the  hyl,  and  the  rest  in  such  nombre  as  the  citizens  could 
not  deal  with  them,  ran,  crying  about  the  streets,  Traitors !  traitors  ! 
and  great  nombre  enter' d  houses,  robbed  shops,  and  did  much 
violence. — Norwich  Roll, 

I  should  give  the  following  letter  with  more  pleasure  if  I  had 
better  authority  than  mere  conjecture,  for  attributing  it  to  Lord 
Sheffield :  Burke  says  he  married  the  Lady  Anne  Vere,  daughter  of  the 
Earl  of  Oxford,  but  does  not  mention  his  marrying  the  daughter  of 
"  maister  Candyshe." 

Letter  of  Edmund  Sheffeld  to  Mr.  Candyshe. 

Grace  and  peace  from  oure  Lorde  Jesus  Criste,  granter  and  per- 
former of  all  his  promyses  unto  his  Electe,  unto  whome  (as  his  holy 
Apostle  witnessethe)  all  thinges  worke  to  the  beste  be  it  truble  or 
vexation,  joy  or  tranquillity. 


I  do  rede  in  the  actes  of  the  Apostells  spoken  bi  the  mouthe  oi' 
Saynct  Pawle,  and  also  in  his  Epistle  unto  Timothe  that  a  man  cannot 
entre  in  to  the  kingdom  of  heaven  withe  out  persecution  and  truhle, 
and  why  ?  bicause  as  it  is  writen  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatyans, 
The  sprete  desirethe  anenste  the  fleshe,  and  the  fleshe  anenste  the 
sprete,  and  bicause  that  Esau  fleshly  mynded  persecuthe  his  brother 
Jacob,  bicause  that  men  fleshly  mynded  (as  are  sume  greate  men,  you 
know  whome  I  meane)  Mowing  the  fleshe  and  the  appetite  thereoff, 
persecutethe  the  trewthe,  bicause  they  will  not  have  their  dedes 

Thus  it  is  that  my  Lorde  is  muche  displeased  withe  me,  and  wull 
not  leave  to  liffe  that  stone  that  he  cannot  beare,  how  and  after  what 
fashion  I  wull  not  writte  trustyng  in  any  wise  that  upon  the  sight 
hereof  you  wull  visett  me  in  prison,  accordyng  to  the  comandement  in 
the  Gospell.  As  I  remember  when  ye  were  with  me  ye  told  me  that 
you  would  move  my  Lorde  Privy  Scale  upon  this  matter,  and  iff  you 
have  done  it  or  wull  doo  it,  you  may  doo  me  a  greate  pleasure  and  soo 
fare  you  well  in  the  Lorde. 

Youre  faithefull  Sonne, 


Endorsed — To  his  raoste  worshipfull  father 
in  Lawe  maister  Candyshe. 

Treasury  of  the  Receipt  of  the  Exchequer, 


Privy   Council  Register. 

EDWABD  VI.  vol.  I. 

xxiiij  Aug.  p.  574.  Mr.  Williams  had  warrant  for  viju  x8,  viz.  vu  to  Barnard 
of  Norfolke  in  Reward  for  service  and  L8  to  v  men  of  Gloucester  that 
brought  up  a  singing  man  being  a  Rebell. 

v  Sep.  p.  580.  The  same  (Mr.  Peckham)  had  warrant  for  x1'  to  one  that 
caryed  a  masse  of  money  to  the  Allmayns  remayning  in  N'orfT. 

Mr.  Peckham  had  warrant  for  mvK  imprest  to  thalmaynes  fotemen 
serving  in  Norff. 


vi  Sep.     p.  581.     Mr.  Perse  had  warrant  for  vu  in  reward  to  Owen  Hopton 

cummyng  out  of  Suff. 
viii  Sep.     p.  582.     Warrant  to  for  cc1'  to   Horniold  imprest  for 

ordynaunce  in  my  L.  of  "Warwickes  journey. 
xv  Sep.     p.  586.     Warrant  to  for  cclxxij"  xixs  vjd  to  Sir  Thomas 

Gressham  for  his  wages  in  Norff.  uppon  the  declaracion  of  Horniold. 
xxviii  Sep.     p.  590.     Mr.  Williams  had  warrant  for  xxxu  to  the  Kinges  attorney 

for  his  coast '  and  charges  going  into  Norff.  remayning  there  from  the  xijth. 

of  August  until  the  xxth.  of  this  present.    And  to  the  Kinges  Solicitor  for 

the  like  purpose  xx1'. 

Warrant  to  for  in11  to  the  Lord  Willoughby. 

Vol.  II. 

xxiii  Oct.  p.  24.  Harry  Saxey  and  Ffrancis  Foxall  mercers  had  warrant  to  pay- 
to  John  Horniold  cecxlij1'  iiijs  iiijd,  viz.  to  Sir  Roger  AVhite  Captn  lju  xviij8, 
to  Sir  George  Awdeley  viiju  xiijs  iiijd,  Sir  Marmaduke  Constable  ix1'  xvij" 
Thomas  Bussell  provost  marshall  xxx1',  to  thofficers  of  thordynaunce  ccxx1' 
to  the  harauldes  of  tharmy  xxj1'  xvj8  for  wages  unpayd  in  the  jorney  to 

xxx  Oct.  p.  27.  Mr.  Williams  had  warrant  for  mmvclj1'  x3  2  to  the  Lord 
Willoughby  due  to  him  uppon  the  deterrnynaciou  of  his  accoumpt  against 
the  Eebelles  in  Norff.  under  thande  8  of  thauditours  4  of  the  prest. 

xxi  Nov.  p.  39.  The  Eeceyvour  of  the  duchy  had  warrant  to  pay  to  Sir 
William  Candish  cccc"  to  be  payd  over  to  Sir  John  Mason  for  the 
payment  of  suche  messingers  as  this  sommer  past  hath  been  sent  in  post 
to  dyvers  partes  of  the  Eealme,  and  with  the  rest  if  any  remayne  to  pay 
parte  of  the  debt  due  to  thordynary  5  postes. 

x  Dec.  p.  46.  The  same  treasurer  (Mr.  Williams)  had  also  warrant  for  the 
payment  to  Cuthbert  Musgrove  his  owne  wages  as  Capt"  of  lyght  horsmen 
from  the  xvijth.  of  Aprill  after  iiij8  per  diem,  his  peticaptn  ij8,  Trompeter 
xijd,  and  xij  light  horsmen  eche  at  ixd.  from  the  xvijth.  of  Aprill  last  past, 
sythens  which  tyme  he  hath  had  no  allowaunce  for  himself  and  them 
payable  in  the  north  in  respect  that  he  hath  been  employed  with  them  in 
service  at  Norwich  journeyeng  from  the  north  and  attending  here  for  dis- 
charge to  be  payed  to  the  xxvth.  of  the  moneth  inclusive. 

xvi  Jan.  1550.  p.  58.  Warrant  to  Mr.  Williams  for  viu  xiij8  iiijd  to  Thomas 
Woodrif  in  respect  of  his  charges  attending  here  for  lettres  into  Norff.  for 
the  service  of  his  raajestie. 

1  I.  e.  "  cost."  2  I.  e.  £2,551.  10*.  3  I.  e.  "  the  hand." 

4  /.  e.  "  the  auditors."  5  I.  e.  "  the  ordinary." 


vii  Feb.  p.  80.  Lettres  to  Sir  Boger  Townesende  to  sett  upon  the  pillary 
the  next  market  at  Wissingseat1  in  Norff.  if  yt  be  a  market  Towne, 
or  else  at  the  nexte  Market  Towne  to  Wissingseat,  on2  William  Wintered, 
for  sedicious  wordes,  and  to  cut  of  oon2  of  his  eares,  and  then  dismisse  him 
with  a  good  lesson. 

x  Feb.  p.  88.  Warrant  to  Thexchequer  for  payment  of  iiju  to  certen  ser- 
vauntes  of  Sir  Thomas  Jermyn  and  Sir  William  Drury,  for  the  bringing 
uppe  of  William  Eyly  and  John  Smith,  who  be  corny  tted  to  the  Marshalsee 
for  going  about  the  Eebellion. 

xxi  Feb.     p.  98.     Lettre  to  to  let  their  master  mason  consider  the 

breaches  of  their  towne  and  give  order  for  provisyon  of  sand  and  lyme. 
And  commission  shalbe  sent  for  gathering  of  workmen.3 

xxv  Feb.     p.  103.     One  Wythe  a  Eebell  of  Norff.  commytted  to  the 


iiij  March,  p.  109.  Warrant  to  Mr.  Williams  for  si"  to  William  Saunders  for 
his  charge  bringing  up  one  G-arrett 4  a  malefactor. 

xxi  March.  Vol.  ii.  p.  124.  Two  severall  lettres  of  Apparence  for  William 
Threlket  of  Blakney  in  Norff.  and  Adam  Tongham  of  Wiveton  5  nere  to 
Clay  also  in  Norff. 

xvii  April,  p.  145.  Lettres  to  the  Justices  of  peace  &c.  in  all  shires  to  devide 
themselfes  into  quarters,  and  to  give  order  for  the  due  execucion  of  the 
lawes  and  statutes  and  specially  of  thactes0  for  vagaboundes,  unlawfull 
games,  forstalling,  regrating,  unlawfull  assembles  &c.  according  to  the 


The  only  gentleman  of  note  that  was  suspected  of  favouring  the 
insurgents  was  Sir  Nicholas  Lestrange  of  Hunstanton;  but  it  is 
not  at  all  clear  what  grounds  there  were  for  this  suspicion :  the 
following  extracts  from  his  Household  Accounts  show  that  he  sent 
his  "  ordenaunce  "  to  Norwich,  but  for  whom  or  for  what  purpose 

1  /.  e.  "  Whissonsett  -."  as  this  is  only  a  village,  the  above  sentence,  if  carried  out, 
must  have  been  so  at  Fakenham,  about  five  miles  distant. 

2  I.  e.  "one."  3  This  may  refer  to  Norwich,  but  (?). 

4  There  is  no  evidence  to  show  whether  or  no  he  belonged  to  Norfolk. 

5  Or  «  Wiverton."  6  I.  e.  "  the  acts." 

2  E 


is  not  stated ;   and  that  he,  with  certain  of  his  retainers,  was  there 
also  after  the  rebellion  had  been  suppressed : — 

p.  558.     Item  pd  the  same  daye  (July  27)  to  one  that 

caryed  yor  ordenaunco  to  the         at  Norwyche —  „  xij 

Item  pd  the  same  daye  (Sept.  7)  for  xvij  of  or  dynners  at 

Norwyche    iiij  ,,  viij 

Item  pd  the  viijth  of  September  for  yor  horssemete  at 

Norwyche    xlix  „  — 

Item  pd  the  same  daye  ther  for  xviij  of  or  suppers .-.         v  „  viij 

Item  pd  the  same  daye  for  a  pottell  of  sacke  for  the  Kyngs 

Attorney1   —  „  viij. 

This  last  item  shows  that  he  was  desirous  of  securing  the 
friendship  of  the  king's  attorney ;  while  from  the  following  letter, 
addressed  by  him,  September  15th,  to  "  Master  cycell,"  it  appears 
that  he  had  a  reason  for  acting  thus  : — 

MASTER  CYCELL,  as  I  have  ernest  causses  to  gyve  you  thankes  for 
my  last  letter  optayned  att  my  lord  graces  handes  unto  my  lord 
Willowby  for  the  execucyon  of  my  offyce,  evyn  so  I  must  confesse 
that,  by  the  delyverye  of  ytt,  yt  hath  wrought  me  my  lord  Willowbys 
ernest  hatred,  and  yett  yt  nottwithstandyng  commanded  me  from 
the  offyce,  clerly  bothe  ageynst  the  lawe  and  allso  ageynste  the 
letter.  "Wherby  I  have  nott  loste  only 2  the  commodite  therof,  but 
allso  hathe  sustaynyd  the  dysshonestye  of  my  reputacion,  wherby 
I  am  verye  myche  defacyd  in  my  contrey,  nott  a  lytell  to  my  dyss- 
pleasure ;  and  yett  they,  nott  therwith  contentyd,  malycyouslye 
sekythe  with  untrouthe  my  utter  undoyng,  using  for  instruments 
in  thys  behalffe  Sir  Roger  townsend  and  Sir  edmond  Knyvyghte, 
who  hertofor  hathe  sought  att  my  hands  to  purchasse  severall  pecys 3 
of  my  londs  whyche  lythe 4  nere  them,  wherwith  I  wyll  nott  depart,5 
and  now  theye  seke  I  thynke,  with  the  good  onsett  of  unthankful 
Husseye,  to  obtayne  the  same  in  cravyng  of  my  Lord,  ther  joinyd 
allso  with  theme  Sir  thomas  Hoolles  who,  as  you  know,  [is]  a  fooll 

1  Archaeologia,  vol.  xxv.  2  I.  e.  "  I  have  lost  not  only,"  &c. 

3  J.  e.  "  pieces."  4  J.  e.  "  lieth."  5  I.  e.  "  part." 


meat l  to  be  leed  with  every  wynde.  Butt  as  I  gather,  theye  seeke 
to  make  me  the  begynnare  of  the  commotions  in  Norff.,  whyche  as 
you  know  was  begonne  before  my  commyng  owght  of  Hamshyre 
in  too 2  severall  placys ;  and  yf  I  had  benne  a  manne  meanyng 3  the 
commocyon,  I  neyther  nedyd  to  have  putt  my  selffe  into  a  cocke 
boot4  to  have  passyd  the  sea  into  Lyncolnshyre,  nor  yett  to  have 
cravyd  the  lord  Wyllowbye,  nor  the  subtyll  gloryous  Husseye,  to 
make  ther  repayre  unto  Lynne,  for  the  defence  bothe  of  the  town 
and  allso  of  the  jentyllmen,  whyche,  takyng  the  town  for  reskewe,5 
were  dryven  owght  ageyne,  and  from  thense  as  you  know  I  came  to 
London,  sekyng  meanyes 6  at  the  councells  handes  to  quyett  the 
rebells,  of  whome  I  recevyd  letters  to  declare  unto  theme,  whyche 
once  declaryd  they  therwith  nott  beyng  contentyd  to  dyssevare 7 
theme  sellvys,  I  came  my  way  to  Lynne,  and  waytyd  upon  my  lord 
Wyllowbye  ther  with  fiftye  menne,  untyll  the  end  att  Norwyche. 
and  for  the  manner  of  my  servyce  I  wyll  reffer  ytt  to  the  judgement 
of  all  menne  that  wer  there,  these  my  doyngs,  with  my  so  long 
absence  owght  off  my  cowntreye,  well  consydered,  wyll  declare  me 
to  be  no  partaker  of  the  begynnyng  of  eny  commocyon  in  Norff.,  as 
Sir  Wyllm.  Wodhousse,  who  was  with  me,  canne  declare 8  me  in  all 
thys  matter,  and  yff  I  shall  be  chargyd  for  the  leavyng  of  my 
brother  and  my  sonne  as  pledgys  for  me  and  for  Sir  Wyllm.  Wod- 
housse, better  I  thowght  ytt  so  to  doo  then  to  have  remaynyd 
my  selffe,  for  I,  havyng  as  you  know,  a  byll  sygnyd  with  the 
Kyngs  maiestyes  hand  and  my  lord  protector  graces  hand  for  the 
levying  of  the  countrey,  thowght  myselffe  most  unmeatt9  to  have 

1  /.  e.  "  a  fool,  meet  to  be  led,"  &c. 

2  I.  e.  "  two."     The  two  places  may  have  been  Norwich  and  Castle  Eising. 

3  "  Meaning  "  seems  here  to  be  used  for  "  favouring,"—"  meaning  to  join  in  the 

4  I.  e.  "jolly-boat,"  or  small  boat  belonging  to  a  ship. 

5  I.  e.  "  seeking  protection  in  the  town."  «  I.  e.  "  means." 

7  I.  e.  "  to  disperse  themselves." 

8  "Declare"  seems  here  to  be  used  for  "clear,"  or  "  state  me  to  have  been  clear," 
or  innocent,  "  in  all  this  matter."  9  I.  e.  "  unmeet." 

2  E  2 


remanyd  with  theme  yff  by  eny  possyble  meanne  I  wer  able  to 
escape  ther  handes.  thus  yff  eny  thyng  of  thys  matter  shall  come 
to  the  handes  of  my  lord  protector  I  shall  moste  ernestlye  crave  yow 
to  be  my  meanne1  that  the  evyll  Judgement  maye  be  respytyd 
untyll  I  maye  be  hard  speke.2  and  yff  the  offence  were  so  heynus 3 
in  me,  as  ytt  ys  not,  and  as  they  seke  to  make  ytt,  ther  hathe  benne 
syns  yt  thre  pardones*  proclaymyd  in  Norff.  wheroff  a  thowsand 
traytors  hathe  takyn  benyfytt  and  nott  ytt  sowght 5  Wherfor, 
wherfor  I  maye  well  thynke  my  selffe  an  unhappye  manne,  that 
neyther  thynkyng  nor  doyng  evyll,  shuld  be  sowght  with  an  offence, 
whyche  ys  pardonyd,  yff  ther  wer  eny  suche,  and  yett  in  dede  ther 
ys  nonne. 

Thys  cravyng  your  erneste  frendshype  att  thys  my  neede,  wherof 
my  poor  Ancestors  for  thys  thre  hundryd  yeres  hath  nott  towchyd 
with  eny  suche  charge,  but  the  heppe6  of  papystys7  were  lefte  be- 
hynde  att  Lynne  to  kepe  the  towne,  who  never  cowld  fynd  eyther 
leyser8  or  tyme  to  inquyre  of  eny  of  their  own  faccyon,9  nor  yett 
of  eny  of  eyther  the  cheff  constables  or  under  constables,  wherof 
some  never  seassed10  untyll  the  laste  daye.  Wryten  in  parte  at 
Lynne  thys  xvth  of  September  a°  1549. 

Yours  who  cravythe  your  frendshyp 


I   do   thynke   that   Husse   cowld  be   contentyd   that    I  myght 

1  J.  e.  "  the  means  for  me,  that  the  evil  judgment  may  be  respited." 

2  I.  e.  "  heard  speak."  3  /.  e.  "  heinous." 

4  The  three  pardons  were  proclaimed  : 

a.  July  21at,  as  mentioned,  briefly,  p.  59,  and  more  fully,  p.  74. 

1.  August  1st,  p.  95. 

c.  August  24th,  p.  126,  et  seq. 

5  The  MS.  is  here  somewhat  indistinct.     The  meaning  seems  to  be,  "  a  thousand 
traitors  have  taken  advantage"  of  the  pardon  offered,  and  so  obtained  safety  "  without 
having  sought  for  it." 

6  I.  e.  "  the  heap,"  or  large  number.  7  I.  e.  "  papists." 
8  I.e.  "leisure."  9  I.e.  "faction." 

10  The  meaning  seems  to  be  "never  ceased"  to  act,  and  consequently  they  would 
be  able  to  give  evidence  as  to  what  took  place,  '^until  the  last  day  "  of  the  commotion. 


be  put  to  sum  trobbyll,  wherby  I  myght  not  make  inquerye  of  hys 
doyngs.  Mr  Stanbope  ys  hys  very  good  master.  Sir  yff  yt  shall 
seme  good  unto  yow,  yow  maye  make  Master  Stuard l  pry ve  unto  thys 
letter,  who  in  my  trowthe  I  truste  wyll  shew  me  hys  frendshyppe. 


The  Duke  of  Somerset  to  the   Ambassador  Sir  Philip  Holy, 
resident  w*  the  Emperor,  ~\.st  September,  1549. 

After  our  right  harty  commendations,  we  have  heretofore2  adver- 
tised you  of  the  troblesome  huskies,  uprores,  and  tumults,  practised  in 
sundrye  places  of  the  realme,  by  a  number  of  sedicious  and  evell  dis- 
posed persons,  to  the  great  disquietnes,  bothe  of  the  Kinges  matie  and 
all  other  his  highnes  quiet  and  loving  subjectes ;  wch  tumults  and 
commocions,  albeit  at  the  beginning  thei  were  spred  in  manic  parts  of 
the  realme,  yet  in  thende 3  all  places  were  well  pacified  and  quieted, 
saving  Devon  and  Cornewall  and  Norfolke,  wher  thei  continued  their 
rebellion  so  stubbornlie,  as  the  Kinges  matie  was  forced  to  send  his 
highnes  lieutenant  w*  a  power  bothe  waies  the  sooner  to  represse  them, 
and  bringe  them  to  their  dueties,  viz.,  my  L.  Privie  scale4  for  Devon- 
shire and  Cornewall,  and  Th'erle  of  "Warwicke  into  Norfolke.  And 
like  as  we  have  heretofore  signified  unto  you  the  proceadings  of  my 
L.  Privie  seale  in  his  journey,  wch  by  his  politique  and  wyse  handling 
of  the  matter,  after  the  slaughter  of  more  then  one  thousande  of  the 
rebelles,  and  execucion  of  some  of  the  ringleaders,  he  hathe  (thanks 
be  to  god)  so  honerably  achieved  and  finishede,  as  not  onlie  the 
counties  remaine  permanently  in  good  order,  but  also  the  multitude 
so  repent  their  former  detestable  and  naughtie  doinges,  as  thei 
abhorre  to  heare  them  spoken  of.  So  you  shall  understand  that,  in 
Norfolke,  the  living  god  hathe  so  wrought  by  the  wysdome  and  manli- 

1  J.  e.  most  probably  "  the  Lord  Steward,"  or  "  Great  Master  of  the  Household," 
who  has  been  previously  mentioned  at  p.  152. 

2  See  p.  137.  3  I.  e.  "  the  end."  4  John,  first  Lord  Eussell. 


nes  of  my  L.  of  Warwicke,  that  thei  also  are  brought  to  subjection  by 
suche  means  as  ensuethe.  The  saide  rebelles  having  traveled  by  the 
space  of  one  monethe  or  more  to  allure  to  them  suche  nombers  of  other 
light  persons  as  thei  might,  and  partly  by  that  meanes,  and  partly  by 
force  and  violence,  at  the  laste  hade  assemblede  together  a  great  nomber, 
did  after  encampe  them  selves  nere  the  citie  of  norwiche,  wch  citie  thei 
hade  also  at  their  commandment,  and  therin  hade  placede  their 
victualles  and  other  provisions,  wherof  thei  hade  gotten  lerge1  furni- 
ture, my  L.  of  "Warwicke  comming  to  those  parties,  after  he  hade 
throughly  understande  the  state  of  the  rebelles,  knowing  the  better 
parte  of  them  to  be  such  simple  persons,  as  were  either  constrainede 
by  force,  or  otherwise  seducede  by  those  of  the  worser  sorte,  thought 
best  to  use  suche  meanes  for  subduing  of  them  as  might  be  w*  leaste 
effusion  of  bloude,  and  punishement  onlie  of  the  heades  and  capitaines. 
And  for  this  cause,  travailing  first  to  cut  of2  their  victualles,  did 
approche  the  citie  of  Norwdl,  wiche  w*in  shorte  time  he  obtained, 
and  at  the  getting  of  it  overthrew  a  good  nombre  of  the  rebelles,  by 
wch  meanes  he  so  brideled  them  and  cut  of 2  their  victualles,  as  thei 
were  faine  to  live  iij  daies  w*  water  for  drinke,  and  eate  their  meat 
w'out  bred.  Wherupon  on  Tuisday  last,  issuing  out  of  their  campe 
into  a  plaine  nere  adjoyning,  thei  determinede  to  fight,  and  like  madd 
and  desperat  men  ranne  upon  the  sworde,  where  a  m* 3  of  them  being 
slaine,  the  rest  were  content  to  crave  their  pardon.  One  Kett  a 
tanner,  being  from  the  beginning  the  verie  chief  doer  emonge  them 
flede,  and  the  rest  of  the  Eebbelles,  casting  away  their  weapons  and 
harnese,  and  asking  pardon  on  their  knees  w*  weeping  eies,4  were  by 
my  L.  of  Warwicke  dismissede  home  w*out  hurte  and  pardonede. 
The  chief  heades,  ringleaders,  and  postes  escepted,  Kett  and  iij  of  his 
britherne 5  w*  sundry  other  chief  captaines,  all  vile  persons,  were  also 
taken,  who  now  remaine  in  honde  to  receive  that  wch  thei  have  de- 
served. Thus  are  thies  vile  wretches  that  hathe  now  of  a  lonnge  time 

1  I.e.  "large."  2  I.e.  "off." 

3  I.  e.  "  mort,"  "  a  very  great  number  or  quantity." — Forty's  Vocal,  of  E.  Anglia. 

4  I.  e.  "  eyes."  5  L  e_  «  brethren." 



troublede  the  realme5  and  as  muche  as  in  them  laie  gone  aboute  to 
distroye  and  utterly  undowe l  the  same5  come  to  confusion.  So  that 
we  trust  verilie  that  thies  traitorous  mutinies  and  rebellion  hathe  now 
an  ende  (lauded  be  god)  *  *  *  And  thus  we  bide  you  hartely  well 
to  fare.3 

Special  Commission  of  Oyer  and  Terminer 
for  the  trial  of  the  Ketts  and  others. 

EDWABDUS  SEXTTTS  Dei  gratia  Angliae, 
Francis,  et  Hibernian  Eex,  Fidei  Defen- 
sor,  et  in  terra  Ecclesias'  Anglicanae  et 
Hibernicae  Supremum  Caput,  dilectis  et 
fidelibus  suis,  Eicardo  Lyster  militi,  Ed- 
wardo  Mountague  militi,  Eicardo  Cholme- 
ley militi,  Edmundo  Mervyn  militi, 
Willielmo  Portman  militi,  et  Johanni 
Hynde  militi,  Salutem. 

Cum  *  *  Willielmus  Kette  alias 
dictus  Willielmus  Knight,  nuper  de 
Wyndham  in  comitatu  Norff:  mercer, 
et  Eobertus  Kette  alias  dictus  Eobertus 
Knight,  nuper  de  Wyndham  in  comitatu 
Norff :  tanner,  coram  dilectis  et  fidelibus 
nostris  Edwardo  North  milite,  Johanne 
Baker  milite  et  Eicardo  Southwelle  milite, 
tribus  de  Concilio  nostro,  de  diversis  al- 
tis  proditionibus  per  prsefatos  *  *  * 
Willielmum  Kette  et  Eobertum  Kette 
fieri  suppositis  examinati  per  dictos  Ed- 
wardum  North,  Johannem  Baker,  et  Ei- 
cardum  Southwell,  ac  super  examinationes 
prasdictas  de  eisdem  proditionibus  vehe- 
menter  suspecti  existunt,  et  eorum  quilibet 


Special  Commission  of  Oyer  and  Terminerfor 
the  Trial  of  the  Ketts  and  others. 

EDWABD  THE  SIXTH,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  King  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland. 
Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  on  earth  of  the 
Church  of  England  and  Ireland  Supreme 
Head,  to  our  beloved  and  faithful  Eichard 
Lyster,  Knight;  Edward  Mountague, Knight; 
Eichard  Cholmeley,  Knight ;  Edmund  Mer- 
vyn,  Knight ;  William  Portman,  Knight ; 
and  John  Hynde,  Knight ;  Greeting  : 

WHEEEAS  *  *  "William  Kette,  other- 
wise called  "William  Knight,  late  of  Wynd- 
ham,  in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  mercer  ;  and 
Eobert  Kett,  otherwise  called  Eobert  Knight, 
late  of  Wyndham,  in  the  county  of  Norfolk, 
tanner ;  in  the  presence  of  our  beloved  and 
faithful  Edward  North,  Knight ;  John  Baker, 
Knight ;  and  Eichard  Southwell,  Knight, 
three  of  our  Council;  concerning  various 
high  treasons,  by  the  aforesaid  *  *  Wil- 
liam Kette  and  Eobert  Kette  supposed  to 
have  been  committed,  having  been  examined 
by  the  said  Edward  North,  John  Baker,  and 
Eichard  Southwell,  and  on  the  aforesaid 
examinations  concerning  the  same  treasons 
are,  and  each  one  of  them  is,  vehemently 

1  I.  e.  "  undo.' 

2  Harl.  MSS.  No.  523,  fo.  53Z>.     Also,  Cotton  MSS.  Galba,  B.  xii. 



existit,  prout  ex  relatione  et  testificatione 
prsedictorum  Edwardi  North,  Johannis 
Baker,  et  Eicardi  Southwell  in  Cancella- 
rio  nostro  facta  accepimus  ;  Sciatis  igitur 
quod  Nos  de  fidelitatibus,  industriis,  et 
providis  circumspectionibus  vestris  pluri- 
mum  confidentes,  secundum  formam  Sta- 
tuti 1  in  hujusmodi  casu  editi  et  provisi, 
Assignavimus  vos  vel  quatuor  vestrum 
Justiciaries  nostros  ad  inquirendum  per 
sacramentum  proborum  et  legalium  homi- 
num  de  comitatu  nostro  Middx.  ac  aliis 
viis,  tnodis,  et  mediis  quibus  melius  sci- 
veritis  aut  potueritis  tarn  infra  libertates 
quam  extra,  per  quos  rei  veritas  melius 
sciri  poterit,  de  quibuscunque  proditioni- 
bus,  mesprisionibus  proditionum,  et  mur- 
deriis,  et  eorum  cujuslibet  per  ipsos  *  * 
Willielmum  Kette  et  Eobertum  Kettetam 
infra  comitatus  nostros  *  *  Norff:  Suff : 
*  *  et  Essex :  quam  infra  prfedictum 
comitatum  Middx.  sive  infra  eorum  ali- 
quem  qualitercunque  habitis,  factis,  per- 
petratis  sive  eommissis,  Ac  de  aliis  arti- 
culis  et  circumstantiis  prssmissa  et  eorum 
quodlibet  sive  eorum  aliquod  vel  aliqua 
•qualitercunque  concernentibus  plenius 
veritatem ;  Et  ad  easdem  proditiones  et 
alia  prsemissa  audieudum  et  terminandum 
secundum  legem  et  eonsuetudinem  regni 
nostri  Anglise  ae  juxta  formam  et  effec- 
tum  Statuti  prsedicti  in  hujusmodi  casu 
editi  et  provisi ;  Et  ideo  vobis  mandamus 
quod  ad  certos  dies  infra  prsedictum 
comitatum  Middx.  vos  vol  quatuor  ves- 
trum ad  hoc  provideritis  conveniatia 
apudWest:  in  praedicto  comitatu  Middx. 
ac  diligenter  super  prsemissis  facias  in- 
quisitiones  et  prsemissa  omuia  et  singula 
audiatis  et  terminetis,  ac  ea  faciatis  et 

suspected,  as  we  have  learnt  from  the  rela- 
tion and  testimony  of  the  aforesaid  Edward 
North,  John  Baker,  and  Eichard  Southwell, 
delivered  into  our  Court  of  Chancery  :  KNOW 
TE,  THEEEFOBE,  that  we,  fully  confiding  in 
your  fidelity,  industry,  and  provident  circum- 
spection, according  to  the  form  of  the  Statute 
in  this  case  made  and  provided,  have  assigned 
you,  or  four  of  you,  our  justices,  to  inquire 
by  oath  of  honest  and  lawful  men  'of  our 
county  of  Middlesex,  and  by  other  ways, 
modes,  and  means  by  which  you  will  better 
discover,  or  may  be  able  to  discover  more 
fully  the  truth,  as  well  -within  your  liberties 
as  without,  by  whom  the  truth  of  the  affair 
may  be  better  discovered,  concerning  all 
treasons,  misprisions  of  treason,  and  mur- 
ders, and  of  each  one  of  them,  by  *  * 
William  Kette  and  Eobert  Kette,  as  well 
within  our  counties  of  *  *  Norfolk,  Suf- 
folk *  *  and  Essex,  as  also  within  the 
said  county  of  Middlesex,  or  within  any  one 
of  them,  in  any  way  had,  done,  perpetrated, 
or  committed  :  And  concerning  other  articles 
and  circumstances  relating  to  the  prsemises 
or  to  any  one  of  them,  or  in  any  way  to  any 
or  any  one  of  them ;  and  to  hear  and  deter- 
mine the  same  treasons  and  other  prsemises 
according  to  the  law  and  custom  of  our 
realm  of  England,  and  according  to  the 
form  and  effect  of  the  aforesaid  Statute  in  this 
case  made  and  provided  :  AND  therefore  we 
charge  you  that  on  certain  days,  within  the 
aforesaid  county  of  Middlesex,  you,  or  four 
of  you,  in  order  to  see  to  this,  meet  at  West- 
minster, in  the  aforesaid  county  of  Middlesex, 
and  hear  and  determine  diligently  the  inqui- 
sitions made  upon  the  prsemises,  and  all 
and  every  the  prsemises;  and  do  and  com- 
plete  them  in  the  form  aforesaid,  doing 

1  25  Edward  III.  St.  5,  c.  2. 



expleatis  in  forma  prsedicta,  facturi  inde 
quod  ad  justitiam  pertinet  secundum 
legem  et  consuetudinem  regni  nostri 
Anglian  ac  Statuti  prsedicti  in  hujusmodi 
casu  editi  et  provisi ;  Salvis  nobis  amer- 
ciamentis  et  aliis  ad  nos  inde  spectanti- 
bus ;  Mandamus  autem  tenore  prsesen- 
tium  Vicecomiti  nostro  Middx.  quod  ad 
certos  dies  quos  vos  vel  quatuor  vestrum 
ei  scire  feceritis,  venire  faceret  coram 
vobis  vel  quatuor  vestrum  tot  et  tales 
probos  et  legales  homines  de  balliva  sua 
tarn  infra  libertates  quam  extra,  per  quos 
rei  veritas  in  prsemissis  melius  sciri  po- 
terit,  et  inquiri. — In  cujus  rei  testimo- 
nium  has  literas  nostras  fieri  fecimus 

Teste   meipso  apud   West :   xxiii0.  die 
Novernb  :  anno  regni  nostri  tertio.1 

therein  what  belongs  to  justice,  according  to 
the  law  and  custom  of  our  realm  of  England, 
and  the  aforesaid  Statute  in  this  case  made 
and  provided,  our  fines  and  other  things  to 
us  belonging  boing  secured  to  us :  We  fur- 
ther charge,  by  the  tenor  of  these  presents, 
our  Sheriff  of  Middlesex,  that  on  certain 
days  which  you,  or  four  of  you,  shall  have 
caused  him  to  know  of,  he  bring  before  you, 
or  four  of  you,  so  many  honest  and  lawful 
men  of  his  bailiwick,  as  well  within  the 
liberties  as  without,  by  whom  the  truth  of 
the  matter  in  the  premises  may  be  the 
better  known  and  inquired  into. 

In  testimony  of  which  we   have   caused 
these  our  letters  patent  to  be  issued. 

Witness  myself,  at  Westminster,  Novem- 
ber 23rd,  in  the  3rd.  year  of  our  reign. 

The  great  seal  is  attached  to  the  above,  but  partly  broken. 


As  the  "  Justices'  Precept  to  the  Sheriff  for  the  return  of  the 
Grand  Jury  at  "Westminster  on  the  Tuesday  next  after  the  Quinzaine 
of  St.  Martin  "  is  merely  a  legal  document  in  the  usual  form,  I  have 
not  thought  it  necessary  to  give  it :  to  the  above  the  panel  is  annexed, 
from  which  it  appears  that  the  following  were  chosen  to  serve  on 
the  jury : — 






1  From  the  "  Baga  de  Secretis,"  formerly  kept  in  the  Stone  Tower  at  Westminster, 
but  now  at  the  Record  Office,  Fetter  Lane,  Pouch  xvii.  membr.  12. 

2   F 








25th  November,  3rd  Edward  VI. 

Precept  addressed  by  the  Justices  to  the  Constable  of  the  Tower, 
commanding  him  to  bring  up  the  bodies  of  the  after-mentioned, 
*  Robert  Kette  and  "William  Kette  at  Westminster, 

on  the  Tuesday  next  after  the  Quinzaine  of  St.  Martin. 


EICARDUS  LTSTEE,  Miles,  et  socii  sui 
Justiciarii  Domini  Eegis  ad  inquirendum 
per  sacramentum  proborum  et  legaliuin 
hominum  de  dicto  comifcatu  Middx.  per 
quos  rei  veritaa  melius  sciri  poterit,  de  qui- 
buscunque  proditionibus,  mesprisionibus 
proditionum,  murderiis,  et  aliia  articulis  et 
offensia  in  quibusdam  literis  Domini  Eegis 
patentibua  inde  specificatis  ;  Et  ad  hujus- 
modi  proditiones,  mesprisiones  proditi- 
onum, rebellionea,  insurrectiones,  feloniaa, 
et  murderias,  et  alioa  articuloa  et  offensas 
audiendum  et  terminandum  aecundum 
legem  et  consuetudinem  regni  Domini 
regis  Angliee  aasignati,  Constabulario 
Turris  Domini  regis  Londonise,  seu  suia 
locum  tenentibua  ibidem,  Salutem  : — 

Ex  parte  DominiBegis  vobis  prfficipimus 
quod  corpora  *  *  Eoberti  Kete  de 
Wyndham  in  comitatu  Norff.  tanner,  et 
Willielmi  Kete,  mercer,  in  priaona  Domini 


EICHAHD  LTSTEE,  Knight,  and  his  fellow 
Justices  of  our  Lord  the  King,  having  been 
appointed  to  inquire  on  oath  of  honest  and 
lawful  men  of  the  said  county  of  Middlesex, 
by  whom  the  truth  of  the  matter  may  be 
the  better  known,  into  all  treasons,  mis- 
prisions  of  treasons,  murders,  and  other 
articles  and  offences  specified  in  certain  let- 
ters patent  of  our  Lord  the  King ;  And  to 
hear  and  determine  treasons  of  thia  kind, 
misprisions  of  treasons,  rebellions,  insurrec- 
tions, felonies,  and  murders,  and  other  articles 
and  offences,  according  to  the  law  and  custom 
of  the  realm  of  our  Lord  the  King  of  England, 
to  the  Constable  of  the  Tower  of  our  Lord 
the  King,  of  London,  or  those  supplying  his 
place  there,  Greeting : — 

On  the  part  of  our  Lord  the  King  we 
charge  you  to  bring  the  bodies  *  *  of 
Eobert  Kete,  of  Wyndham,  in  the  county  of 
Norfolk,  tanner,  and  William  Kete,  mercer, 

1  J.  e.  "  Miles.' 

2  From  the  Baga  de  Secretis,  Pouch  xvii. 



Eegis  sub  custodia  vestra  detenta,  habea- 
tis  coram  nobis  apud  West :  die  Martis 
proximo  post  XV.  (quindenas)  Sancti 
Martini  ad  horam  octavam  ante  meridiem 
ejusdem  diei,  ad  subjiciendum  et  recipien- 
dum  ea  qme  Curia  Domini  Eegis  tune 
et  ibidem  coram  nobis  injungentur.  Et 
habeatis  tune  hoc  prseceptum. 

Dat :  apud  Westmystre  XXV.  die  No- 
vemb :  anno  regni  Edwardi  sexti  Dei 
gratia  Anglise,  Francise,  et  Hibernian  Eegis, 
Fidei  Defensoris,  et  in  terra  EcclesisB 
Anglican®  et  Hibernicse  Supremum  Caput 
tertio.  J.  WHYTE. 

(Signed)  Eic.  LTSTEE.  1 

in  the  prison  of  our  Lord  the  King,  under 
your  custody  detained,  before  us  at  West- 
minster, on  the  Tuesday  next  after  the 
Quinzaine  of  St.  Martin,  at  8  in  the  morning 
of  the  same  day,  to  undergo  and  receive 
those  things  which  by  the  Court  of  our  Lord 
the  King,  then  and  there  before  us,  shall 
be  enjoined ;  And  bring  with  you  this 

Given  at  Westminster,  November  25th,  in 
the  3rd.  year  of  Edward  VI.,  by  the  grace  oi' 
God  King  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland, 
Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  on  earth  of  the 
Church  of  England  and  Ireland  Supreme 
Head.  J.  WHYTE. 

(Signed)  Eic.  LTSTER. 

On  the  back  of  the  above  is  the  following : — 

Ante  adventum  istius  preecepti  michi 
[i.  e.  mihi]  directi  infra  nominati     *    * 
Eobertus  Kete  et  Willielmus  Kete  michi 
commissi  fuerunt  per  Consilium  Domini 
Eegis  salvo  custodi;  corpora  tamenipsorum 

*  *  Eoberti  et  Willielmi  ad  diem  et 
locum  infra  contentum  parata  habeo  prout 
interius  michi  prsecipitur. 

Also : — 

JOHANNES  GAGE,  Miles,  Constabular 
Turris  infra  scriptse. 

Before  the  coming  of  this  precept  directed 
to  me,  the  within-named  *  *  Eobert  Kete 
and  William  Kete  were  committed  to  me  for 
safe  keeping  by  the  Council  of  our  Lord  the 
King  :  the  bodies,  however,  of  *  *  Eobert 
and  William,  on  the  day  and  at  the  place 
within  contained,  I  have  produced,  as  within 
I  am  required  to  do. 

JOHN   GAGE,   Knight,  Constable    of  the 
Tower  within  named. 

1  From  the  "  Baga  de  Secretis,"  Pouch  xvii.  membrana  4. 

2  F  2 




Indictment  found  against  Robert  Kete. 


INQUIEATUB  pro  Domino  Regequod  cum 
in  Parhamento  Domini  Edwardi  nuper 
Regis  Anglise  tertii,  progenitoris  Domini 
Regis  nunc,  anno  vicesimo  quinto  regni 
sui,  inter  alia  ordinatum  et  declaration 
existit,  Quod  quum  aliquis  compasseret 
vel  imaginatus  fuerit  mortem  Domini 
Regis,  vel  si  quis  levaverit  guerram  versus 
Dominuin  Regem  infra  regnum  suum,  aut 
sit  adhserens  inimicis  Domini  Regis  in 
regno  suo,  vel  eis  daret  auxilium  aut  com- 
fortamentum  infra  regnum  suum  seu  alibi, 
et  inde  probabiliter  sit  attinctus  de  aperto 
facto  per  gentes  suaa  conditionis,  quod  in 
praedictis  casibus  adjudicari  debet  prae- 
dictis,  prout  in  eodem  Statute  plenius 
continetur  ' — Quidam  tamen  Robertus, 
cognomento  Kete  nuper  de  Wyudham  in 
comitatu  Norff:  tanner,  aliter  dictus  Ro- 
bertus Knight  nuper  de  Wyndham  in  dicto 
comitatu  Norff:  tanner,  Deum  prae  oculis 
suis  non  habens,  sed  instigatione  diabo- 
lica  seductus,  et  debitam  legianciam  suam 
minime  ponderans,  Ac  etiam  ut  felonious 
et  maliciosus  proditor  et  inimicus  pub- 
licus  praepotentissimo  et  serenissimo 
Domino  nostro  Edwardo  sexto,  Dei  gratia 
Angliae,  Francise,  et  HiberniaB  Regi,  Eidei 
Defensori,  et  in  terra  Ecclesiae  Anglicanaa 
et  Hibernicae  Supremo  Capiti,  felonice, 
maliciose  et  proditorie  intendens  et  ma- 
chinans,  cordialem  dilectionem  et  obedi- 
entiam,  quas  omnes  reri  et  fideles  subditi 


INQUIRY  is  to  be  made  for  our  Lord  the 
King  that  Whereas,  in  the  Parliament  of  our 
Lord,  Edward  theThird,  late  King  of  England, 
progenitor  of  our  Lord  the  King  that  now 
is,  in  the  25th.  year  of  his  reign,  amongst 
other  things  it  is  ordained  and  declared,  That 
when  any  one  hath  compassed  or  imagined 
the  death  of  our  Lord  the  King,  or  if  any 
one  hath  levied  war  against  our  Lord  the 
King,  in  his  realm,  or  be  adherent  to  the 
enemies  of  our  Lord  the  King  in  his  realm, 
or  give  to  them  aid  or  comfort  within  his 
realm  or  elsewhere ;  and  thereof  be  proveably 
attainted  of  open  deed  by  their  peers,  which 
in  the  aforesaid  cases  has  to  be  determined 
by  the  aforesaid,  as  in  the  same  Statute  more 
fully  is  contained:  Notwithstanding,  one 
Robert  surnamed  Kete,  late  of  Wyndham, 
in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  tanner,  otherwise 
called  Robert  Knight,  late  of  Wyndham,  in 
the  said  county  of  Norfolk,  tanner,  not 
having  God  before  his  eyes,  but  seduced  by 
diabolical  instigation,  and  not  weighing  his 
due  allegiance;  And  also  as  a  feloniousand  ma- 
licious traitor,  and  public  enemy,  against  our 
most  mighty  and  serene  Lord,  Edward  Vlth., 
by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  England, 
Erance,  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith, 
and  on  earth  of  the  Church  of  England  and 
Ireland  Supreme  Head,  feloniously,  malici- 
ously, and  traitorously  intending  and  plotting 
utterly  to  destroy  and  annihilate  that  hearty 
love  and  obedience  which  all  true  and  faith- 

1  25  Edward  III.  St.  5,  c.  2. 



dicti  Domini  Regis  nunc  hujus  regni  sui 
Anglise  in  eundem  Domiuum  Eegem  ge- 
runt  et  de  jure  gerere  tenentur,  penitus 
extinguere  et  adnichilare,  ac  seditionem, 
rebellionem,  insurrectionemque  inter  eun- 
dem Dominum  Begem  et  ejusdem  Domini 
Regis  fideles  subditos  generare,  ac  eundem 
Dominum  Eegem  de  dignitate,  honoribus, 
et  praeeminenciis  suis  regiis  deprivare, 
Et  ad  dictam  ejus  felonicam  et  prodito- 
riam  intentionem  et  nefanda  proposita 
perficienda  et  perimplenda,  ad  periculum 
dicti  Domini  Regis  nunc,  et  subversionem 
hujus  regni  sui  Anglise  pro  posse  suo 
contra  legianciam  suam  debitam,  vicesimo 
die  Julii  anno  regni  Edwardi  sexti,  Dei 
gratia  Angliae,  Francise  et  Hibernias  Regis, 
Fidei  Defensoris,  et  in  terra  Ecclesiae  An- 
glicanse  et  Hibernicse  Supremi  Capitis 
tertio,  et  continue  post  dictum  vicesimum 
diem  Julii,  per  sex  septimanas  tune  prox- 
ime  sequentes,  apud  Mousholde  hethe,  in 
parochia  de  Thorpe,  juxta  Norwych,  in 
comitatu  Norff.  et  apud  diversa  alia  loca 
in  dicto  comitatu  Norff.,  per  proditorias 
proclamationes,  hutesia,  et  campanarum 
pulsationes  factas  adhserentibus  et  con- 
gregatis  ei  illicite  et  proditorie  quamplu- 
ribus  malefactoribus  ad  numeruin  viginti 
mille  personarum,  tanquam  feloni,  prodi- 
tores,  inimici  et  rebellatores  publici  dicto 
metuendissirno  et  excellentissimo  Domino 
Regi  nunc  Edwardo  sexto,  ex  eorum 
unanimo  et  proditorio  assensu  et  con- 
sensu,  cum  vexillis  explicatis,  gladiis, 
Bcutis,  baculis,  tormentis,  haubertis,  lan- 
ceis,  arcubus,  sagittis,  loricis,  tunicis  de- 
fensibilibus,  capis,  pileis  ferreis,  et  aliis 
armis  defensivis  et  invasivis  modo  guerrino 
armati  et  arriati  proditorie  insurrexerunt 
et  guerram  levaverunt  versus  eundem 
Dominum  Regem  nunc,  Ac  nonnulla 
ecripta  et  billas  ad  tune  et  ibidem  scribi 

ful  subjects  of  our  said  Lord  the  King  that 
now  is  of  this  his  realm  of  England,  bear 
and  are  rightly  held  to  bear  towards  the  same 
our  Lord  the  King :  and  to  excite  sedition, 
rebellion,  and  insurrection  between  the  same 
our  Lord  the  King  and  his  faithful  subjects ; 
and  to  deprive  the  same  our  Lord  the  King 
of  his  dignity,  honours,  and  pre-eminences ; 
And  in  order  to  perfect  and  accomplish  his 
said  felonious  and  traitorous  intention  and 
wicked  purposes,  to  the  peril  of  our  said 
Lord  the  King  that  now  is,  and  the  subver- 
sion of  this  his  realm  of  England,  according 
to  his  power,  contrary  to  his  due  allegiance, 
on  the  20th.  day  of  July,  in  the  3rd.  year  of 
the  reign  of  Edward  Vlth.,  by  the  grace  of 
God,  King  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland, 
Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  on  earth  of  the 
Church  of  England  and  Ireland  Supreme 
Head  ;  and  continuously,  after  the  said  20th. 
day  of  July  for  six  weeks  then  next  ensuing, 
on  "  Mousholde  hethe,"  in  the  parish  of 
Thorpe,  near  Norwich,  in  the  county  of  Nor- 
folk, and  at  divers  other  places  in  the  said 
county  of  Norfolk,  by  traitorous  proclama- 
tions, hue  and  cry,  and  the  ringing  of  bells, 
very  many  malefactors  being  adherent  and 
collecting  to  him  to  the  number  of  twenty 
thousand ;  [He  and  they]  did,  as  felons, 
traitors,  enemies,  and  public  rebels  against 
our  said  most  dread  and  excellent  Lord  the 
King  that  now  is,  Edward  Vlth.,  of  their 
unanimous  assent  and  consent,  with  banners 
unfurled,  swords,  shields,  clubs,  cannon,  hal- 
berts,  lances,  bows,  arrows,  breast-plates, 
coats  of  mail,  caps,  helmets,  and  other  arms 
offensive  and  defensive,  armed  and  arrayed  in 
warlike  manner,  traitorously  make  an  insur- 
rection and  levy  war  against  the  same  our 
Lord  the  King  that  now  is :  And  he  traitor- 
ously caused  some  writings  and  bills  then 
and  there  to  be  written  and  subscribed,  as 
well  to  excite  and  procure  the  lieges  of  our 



et  subscribi  fecit  tarn  ad  commovendura 
et  procurandum  legios  dicti  Domini  Eegis 
in  dicto  comitatu  Norff.  ad  apertam  guer- 
ram  levandam  versus  eundem  Dominum 
Eegem  quam  ad  veros  subditos  dicti  Do- 
mini Eegis  deprivandum  et  spoliandum. 

Et  prasdictus  Eobertus  Kete,  cum  prse- 
dictis  proditoribus  et  rebellatoribus,  per 
totum  ilium  vicesimum  diem  Julii  et  per 
sex  septimanas  tune  proxime  sequentes, 
ad  proditoriam  intentionem  suam  preedic- 
tam  perimplendam,  se  ipsos  insimul  apud 
Mousholde  hethe  preedictum,  in  com. 
Norff.  prsedicto,  et  apud  diversa  alia  loca 
in  eodem  comitatu  Norff.,  vi  et  armis 
prsedictis  proditorie  assemblaverunt,  con- 
foederaverunt  et  inter  se  conspiraverunt 
populum  dicti  Domini  Eegis  mine  hujus 
regni  sui  Anglise  per  guerram  et  modo 
guerrino  destruere,  Ac  quamplurimos 
fideles  subditos  dicti  Domini  Eegis  nunc, 
videlicet,  milites,  armigeros,  et  generosos 
homines  de  dicto  comitatu  Norff.  apud 
Mount  Surrey,  in  dicto  comitatu  Norff. 
felonice  et  proditorie  imprisonaverunt  et 
in  prisona  ilia  per  magnum  tempus  felo- 
nice et  proditorie  detinuerunt,  clamando, 
vociferando  in  his  Anglicanis  verbis — 

Kyll  the  Gentlemen,1 
Ac  quamplurimos  fideles  subditos  dicti 
Domini  Eegis  nunc  in  dicto  comitatu 
Norff.  de  bonis  et  catallis  suis,  eodem 
vicesiino  die  Julii,  et  per  dictas  sex  septi- 
manas tune  proxime  sequentes,  proditorie 
spoliaverunt  et  victuallia  quaecunque  a 
legiis  dicti  Domini  Eegis  in  eodem  co- 
mitatu Norff.  vi  et  armis  et  proditorie 
ceperunt  et  asportaverunt ;  Ac  etiam 

said  Lord  the  King  in  the  said  county  of 
Norfolk,  to  levy  open  war  against  the  same 
our  Lord  the  King  ;  as  also  to  rob  and  spoil 
the  true  and  faithful  subjects  of  the  said  our 
Lord  the  King.  And  the  aforesaid  Eobert 
Kett,  with  the  aforesaid  traitors  and  rebels, 
during  all  that  20th.  day  of  July,  and  the  six 
weeks  then  next  ensuing,  to  carry  out  their 
traitorous  intention  aforesaid,  together  on 
"  Mousholde  hethe"  aforesaid,  in  the  county 
of  Norfolk  aforesaid,  and  in  divers  other 
places  in  the  same  county  of  Norfolk,  with 
the  aforesaid  force  of  arms,  assembled  them- 
selves, confederated  and  conspired  together, 
by  war  and  in  warlike  manner  to  destroy  the 
people  of  our  said  Lord  the  King  that  now  is 
of  this  his  realm  of  England :  And  very 
many  faithful  subjects  of  our  said  Lord  the 
King  that  now  is,  viz.  knights,  esquires, 
and  gentlemen  of  the  said  county  of  Norfolk, 
at  Mount  Surrey,in  thesaid  county  of  Norfolk, 
did  they  feloniously  and  traitorously  im- 
prison ;  and  in  that  prison  for  a  long  time 
feloniously  and  traitorously  detain  them, 
crying  and  shouting  out  with  these  words  in 
English — 

Kyll  the  Gentlemen, 

And  very  many  faithful  subjects  of  our  said 
Lord  the  King  that  now  is,  in  the  same 
county  of  Norfolk,  did  they  traitorously 
despoil  of  their  goods  and  chattels,  the  same 
20th.  day  of  July  and  during  the  said  six 
weeks  then  next  ensuing ;  and  by  force  of 
arms  did  they  traitorously  take  and  carry 
them  off;  And  very  many  faithful  subjects 
of  our  said  Lord  the  King  that  now  is,  who 
were  under  the  rule  and  conduct  of  the  most 
noble  John  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  ap- 

1  Extract  from  Baga  de  Secretis  (Pouch  xvii.  membr.  9),  relating  to  the  Devonshire 
Eising ;  "  Kyll  the  gentlemen  and  we  wyll  have  the  acte  of  six  articles  uppe  again  and 
ceremonies  as  were  in  Kinge  Henry  the  Eights  tyme." 



quainplurimos  fideles  subditos  dicti  Do- 
mini Regis  nunc  sub  regimine  et  conduc- 
cione  proenobilis  Johannis  comitia  de 
Warwic,  locum  tenentis  dicti  Domini 
Regis,  in  dicto  comitatu  Norff.  ad  dictos 
Eobertum  Kete  et  proditores  prsedictos 
vi  et  armis  subigendum,  vinciendum,  et 
corripiendum,  apud  Dussingesdale  in 
parochiis  de  Thorpe  et  Sprowston,  in  dicto 
comitatu  Norff.,  vicesimo  septimo  die 
Augusti,  dicto  anno  tertio  dicti  Domini 
Eegis  nunc,  in  dicto  comitatu  Norff.,  cum 
vexillis  explicatis  felonice  et  proditorie  in 
aperto  bello  murderaverunt  et  interfece- 
runt ;  Et  idem  Robertus  Kete  et  alii  dicti 
proditores,  dicto  vicesimo  septimo  die 
Augusti,  Deo  favente,  per  Ducem  praeno- 
bilem  Comitem  "Warwic  et  alios  fideles 
subditos  ejusdem  Domini  Regis,  ad  tune 
et  ibidem  sub  conduccione  ejusdem  Comi- 
tis  Warwic  existentes,  honorifice  fuere  sub- 
jugati  et  convicti;  Et  super  iude  idem 
Robertus  Kete,  ut  felonious  proditor  dicti 
Domini  Regis,  a  bello  et  loco  prsedictis, 
iisdem  die  et  anno  felonice  et  proditorie 
se  elongavit  usque  et  versus  Cawson,  in 
dicto  comitatu  Norff.,  et  ibidem  captus 
et  arrestatus  fuit  per  legios  dicti  Domini 
Regis,  pro  nefandis  proditionibus  suis 
praedictis  contra  legianciam  suam  debitam 
ac  contra  pacem  dicti  Domini  Regis, 
coronam  et  dignitates  suas  ac  contra  for- 
mam  Statuti  in  hujusmodi  casu  nuper 
editi  et  provisi.1 

(Endorsed)  Billa  vera. 

pointed  Lieutenant  of  our  said  Lord  the 
King  to  subdue,  bind,  and  seize  the  said 
Robert  Kete  and  the  traitors  aforesaid,  did 
they  at  Dussingesdale,  in  the  parishes  of 
Thorpe  and  Sprowston,  in  the  said  county 
of  Norfolk,  on  the  27th.  day  of  August,  in  the 
said  third  year  of  our  said  Lord  the  King 
that  now  is,  in  the  said  county  of  Norfolk, 
with  banners  unfurled,  feloniously  and  trai- 
torously murder  and  slay :  And  the  same 
Robert  Kete,  and  the  other  said  traitors,  on 
the  said  27th.  day  of  August,  by  the  favour 
of  God,  were,  by  the  General,  the  most  noble 
Earl  of  Warwick,  and  by  other  faithful  sub- 
jects of  the  same  our  Lord  the  King  then 
and  there  under  the  conduct  of  the  same 
Earl  of  Warwick,  honourably  subdued  and 
conquered  :  And  thereupon  the  same  Robert 
Kete,  as  a  felonious  traitor  of  our  said  Lord 
the  King,  did  from  the  battle  and  place  afore- 
said, the  same  day  and  year,  feloniously  and 
traitorously  betake  himself  as  far  as,  and 
towards,  Cawson,2  in  the  said  county  of 
Norfolk,  and  was  there  taken  and  arrested 
by  the  lieges  of  our  said  Lord  the  King,  for 
his  wicked  treasons  aforesaid,  against  his  due 
allegiance,  and  against  the  peace  of  our  said 
Lord  the  King,  his  crown  and  dignity ;  and 
against  the  form  of  the  Statute  in  this  case 
lately  made  and  provided. 
(Endorsed)  True  bill. 

Baga  de  SecretiB,  Pouch  xvii.  membr.  6. 

Or  rather  "  Swannington." 




Indictment  found  against  JFilliam  Kete. 


JtiEATi  prsesentant  pro  Domino  Eege, 
quod  cum  in  Parliamento  Domini  Edwardi 
nuper  Eegis  Anglian  tertii,  progenitoris 
Domini  Eegis  nunc,  anno  regni  sui  vice- 
simo  quinto,  inter  alia  ordinatum  et  decla- 
ratum  existit,  Quod  quum  aliquis  cotn- 
passeret  vel  imaginatus  fuerit  mortem 
Domini  Eegis,  vel  si  quia  levaverit  guer- 
ram  versus  Dominum  Eegem  infra  regnum 
suum,  aut  sit  adhsarens  inimicis  Domini 
Eegis  in  regno  suo,  vel  eis  daret  auxilium 
aut  comfortamentum  infra  regnum  suum 
seu  alibi,  et  inde  probabiliter  sit  attinctus 
de  aperto  facto  per  gentes  suae  conditionis, 
quod  in  prsedictis  casibus  adjudicari  debet 
prsedictis,  prout  in  eodem  Statute  plenius 
continetur :  Quidam  tamen  "Willielmus 
cognomento  Kete,  nuper  de  Wyndham, 
in  comitatu  Norff.  mercer,  alias  Willielmus 
Knyght  de  "Wyndham,  in  comitatu  Norff. 
prsedicto,  mercer,  Deum  prse  oculis  suis 
non  habens,  sed  instigatione  diabolica 
seductus,  et  debitam  legianciam  suam 
minime  ponderans,  ac  etiam  ut  felonicus 
et  maliciosus  proditor  et  inimicus  publicus 
prsepotentissimo  et  serenissimo  Domino 
nostro  Edwardo  sexto,  Dei  gratia  Anglise, 
Francise,  et  Hibernia?  Eegi,  Fidei  Defen- 
sori,  et  in  terra  Ecclesia?  Anglicanae  et 
Hibernicffi  Supremo  Capiti,  felonice,  ma- 
liciose,  et  proditorie  intendens  et  machi- 
nans,cordialem  dilectionemetobedientiam, 
quas  omnes  veri  et  fideles  subditi  dicti 
Domini  Eegis  nunc  hujua  regni  sui  Angliaa 
in  eundem  Dominum  Eegem  gerunt  et 
de  jure  gerere  tenentur,  penitus  extin- 
guere  et  adnichilare,  ac  seditionem,  rebel- 


THE  JTIEOBS  for  our  Lord  the  King  present 
that,  Whereas,  in  the  Parliament  of  our  Lord, 
Edward  the  Third,  late  King  of  England, 
progenitor  of  our  Lord  the  King  that  now  is, 
in  the  25th.  year  of  his  reign,  amongst  other 
things  it  is  ordained  and  declared,  That  when 
any  one  hath  compassed  or  imagined  the 
death  of  our  Lord  the  King,  or  if  any  one 
hath  levied  war  against  our  Lord  the  King 
in  his  realm,  or  be  adherent  to  the  enemies 
of  our  Lord  the  King  in  his  realm,  or  give  to 
them  aid  or  comfort  within  his  realm  or  else- 
where ;  and  thereof  be  proveably  attainted  of 
open  deed  by  their  peers,  which  in  the  afore- 
said cases  has  to  be  determined  by  the  afore- 
said, as  in  the  same  Statute  more  fully  is 
contained  :  Notwithstanding,  one  William, 
surnamed  Kete,  late  of  Wyndham,  in  the 
county  of  Norfolk,  mercer,  otherwise  William 
Knyght,  of  Wyndham,  in  the  county  of 
Norfolk  aforesaid,  mercer,  not  having  God 
before  his  eyes,  but  seduced  by  diabolical 
instigation,  and  not  weighing  his  due  allegi- 
ance ;  And  also  as  a  felonious,  and  malicious 
traitor,  and  public  enemy  against  our  most 
mighty  and  serene  Lord,  Edward  Vlth,  by  the 
grace  of  God  King  of  England,  France,  and 
Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  on  earth 
of  the  Church  of  England  and  Ireland 
Supreme  Head,  feloniously,  maliciously,  and 
traitorously  intending  and  plotting  utterly 
to  destroy  and  annihilate  that  hearty  love 
and  obedience  which  all  true  and  faithful 
subjects  of  our  said  Lord  the  King  that  now 
is  of  this  his  realm  of  England,  bear,  and  are 
rightly  held  to  bear,  towards  the  same  our 
Lord  the  King ;  And  to  excite  sedition, 



lionem,  insurrectionemque  inter  eundem 
Dominum    Regem    et   ejusdem    Domini 
Regis  fideles   subditos  generare ;   Et  ad 
dicta  ejus  felonicatn,  maliciosam  et  pro- 
ditoriam  intentionem  et  nefanda  proposita 
perficienda  et  perimplenda,  ad  periculum 
dicti  Domini  Eegis  nunc  et  subversionem 
hujua   regni   sui  Angliae   pro  posse  suo, 
contra  legianciam  suam  debitam,  decimo 
sexto   die  Augusti,  anno    regni  Edwardi 
sexti    Dei    gratia    Angliae,    Francise,    et 
Hibernise  Regis,  Fidei  Defensoris,  et  in 
terra  Ecclesiaa  Anglicanse   et  Hibernicse 
Supremi  Capitis  tertio,  et  per  duos  dies 
tune    proxime    sequeutes,  apud   Mount- 
surrey,  in  parochia  de  Thorpe  juxta  Nor- 
wych,  in  dicto  comitatu  Norff.  et   apud 
diversa  alia  loca  infra  comitatum  pradic- 
tum,   per    proditorias   proclamationea   ac 
hutesia  facta  adhaerentibus  et  congregatis 
ei  illicite  et  proditorie  Roberto  Kete  et 
quampluribus    malefactoribus    ibidem  ad 
numerum  viginti  mille  personarum   tan- 
quam  felonici  proditores,  inimici,  et  rebel- 
latores   publici   dicto    metuendissimo    et 
sexto,  ex   eorum   unanimo  et   proditorio 
assensu-et  consensu.cum  vexillis  explicatis, 
gladiis,  scutis,  baculis,tormentis,liaubertis, 
lanceis,  arcubus,  sagittis,    loricis,  tunicis 
defensibilibus,  capis,  pileis  ferreis,  et  aliis 
armis  defensivis  et  invasivis  modo  guerrino 
armati   et  arriati,  felonice   et   proditorie 
insurrexerunt,    et     guerram     levaverunt 
versus  eundem  Dominum   Regem  nunc, 
et  per  totum  ilium  decimum  sextum  diem 
Augusti  et  dictos  duos  dies  tune  proxime 
sequentes,    ad    proditoriam    intentionem 
suam  praedictam  perimplendam,  se  ipsum 
cum  praedicto  Roberto  et  aliis  proditoribus 
et   rebellatoribus    insimul  apud    Mount- 
surrey  praedictum  et  alibi  in  dicto  comitatu 
Norff.  vi  et  armis  prsedictis  et  proditorie 

rebellion,  and  insurrection  between  the  same 
our  Lord  the  King  and  his  faithful  subjects ; 
And  in  order  to  perfect  and  accomplish  his 
said  felonious,  malicious,  and  traitorous  in- 
tention, and  wicked  purposes,  to  the  peril  of 
our  said  Lord  the  King  that  now  is,  and  the 
subversion  of  this  his  realm  of  England,  ac- 
cording to  his  power,  against  his  due  allegi- 
ance, did,  on  the  16th.  day  of  August,  in  the 
3rd.  year  of  the  reign  of  Edward  Vlth.,  by  the 
grace  of  God  King  of  England,  France,  and 
Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  on  earth 
of    the    Church    of   England    and    Ireland 
Supreme  Head,  and  on  the  two  days  then 
next  ensuing,  at  Mount  Surrey,  in  the  parish 
of  Thorpe,  near  Norwich,  in  the  said  county 
of  Norfolk,  and  at  divers  other  places  within 
the  county  aforesaid,  by  traitorous  proclama- 
tions, and  hue  and  cry,  there  being  adherent 
and  gathered  to  him,  unlawfully  and  traitor- 
ously, Robert   Kett   and   very   many  male- 
factors there,  to  the  number  of  20,000  per- 
sons,   as    felonious    traitors,    enemies,    and 
public   rebels   against   our  said  most  dread 
and  excellent  Lord  the  King  that  now  is, 
Edward  Vlth.,  of  their  unanimousand  traitor- 
ous  assent  and   consent,  with   banners  un- 
furled, swords,  shields,  clubs,cannon,  halberts, 
lances,  bows,  arrows,  breast-plates,  coats  of 
mail,  caps,  helmets,  and  other  arms  offensive 
and  defensive,  in  warlike  manner  armed  and 
arrayed,  feloniously  and  traitorously  make  an 
insurrection  and  levy  war  against  our  same 
Lord  the  King  that  now  is ;  and  throughout 
the  whole  of  that  16th.  day  of  August,  and  the 
said  two  days  then  next  ensuing,  in  order  to 
accomplish  their  traitorous  design  aforesaid, 
did  himself,  with  the  aforesaid  Robert  and 
other  traitors  and  rebels,  at  Mount  Surrey 
aforesaid,    and   elsewhere   in  the  county  of 
Norfolk,  with  force  of  arms  aforesaid,  traitor- 
ously   assemble,   confederate,    and    conspire 
together,  by  war  and  in  warlike  manner,  to 
2   G 



assemblavit,  confcederavit  et  conspiravit 
populum  dicti  Domini  Eegis  nunc  hujus 
regni  sui  Anglise  per  guerram  et  modo 
guerrino  destruere ;  Et  ulterius  Jurati 
praedicti  prfesentant  quod  prsedictus  Wil- 
lielmus  Kete,  vieesimo  die  August!  dicto 
anno  tertio  dicti  Domini  Eegis  nunc  apud 
Moushold  hethe,  in  parochia  de  Thorpe 
pnedicta,  in  dicto  comitatu  Norff.  felonice 
et  proditorie  dedit  eidcm  Eoberto  Kete  et 
dictis  aliis  proditoribus  ad  tune  et  ibidem 
existentibus,  comfortarnentum,  auxilium  et 
consilium  in  proditoriis  et  nefandis  pro- 
positis  suis,  et  guerra  levanda  versus 
eundem  Dominum  Eegem,  contra  legian- 
ciam  suam  debitarn  ac  contra  paceni  dicti 
Domini  Eegis  nunc,  coronani  et  dignita- 
tem suam,  ac  contra  formam  Statuti  in 
hujusmodi  casu  nuper  editi  et  provisi. 
(Endorsed)  Billa  vera. 

destroy  the  people  of  our  said  Lord  the  King 
that  now  is  of  this  his  realm  of  England:  And 
further,  the  Jurors  aforesaid  present  that  the 
aforesaid  William  Kete,  on  the  20th.  day  of 
August,  in  the  said  3rd.  year  of  our  said  Lord 
the  King  that  now  is,  on  "Moushold  hethe," 
in  the  parish  of  Thorpe  aforesaid,  in  the  said 
county  of  Norfolk,  did  feloniously  and  traitor- 
ously give  to  the  same  Eobert  Kete  and  the 
said  other  traitors,  then  and  there  being, 
comfort,  aid,  and  counsel  in  their  traitorous 
and  wicked  designs,  and  in  levying  war 
against  our  same  Lord  the  King,  against  his 
due  allegiance,  and  against  the  peace  of  our 
said  Lord  the  King  that  now  is,  his  crown 
and  dignity,  and  against  the  form  of  the 
Statute  in  this  case  lately  made  and  pro- 

(Endorsed)  True  bill. 

Et  inodo  scilicet  eodem  die  Martis,  anno 
tercio  supradicto,  apud  \Vestm.  in  com. 
Midd.  corana  prasf'atis  Commissionariis 
venerunt  praedicti  *  *  Eobtus  Kete 
and  Wills.  Kete,  per  Johannem  Gage, 
militem,  Constabular.  Turris  London.,  in 
cujus  custodia  prsantea  ex  causis  prse- 
dictis,  per  Consilium  dicti  Domini  Eegis 
commissi  fuerunt,  et  per  mandatum  ipsius 
Domini  Eegis  ad  barr.  hie  ducti  in  pro- 
priis  personis  suis ;  Et  statim  de  prasmissis 
eis  superius  separating  impositis  allocuti 
qualiter  se  velint  inde  acquietari,  dicunt 
quod  ipsi  non  possunt  dedicere  quin  ipsi, 
et  eorum  quilibet,  de  prsemissis  eis  separa- 
tim  superius  impositis  sunt  inde  culpa- 
biles,  prout  per  separalia  indictamenta 
prsedicta  superius  supponitur :  Et  inde 


And  then  to  wit,  on  the  same  Tuesday,  in 
the  3rd.  year  above  mentioned,  at  Westmin- 
ster, in  the  county  of  Middlesex,  before  the 
aforesaid  commissioners,  came  the  aforesaid 
*  *  Eobert  Kete  and  William  Kete,  being 
brought  up  by  John  Gage,  knight,  Constable 
of  the  Tower  of  London,  into  whose  custody 
they  had  previously,  for  the  causes  aforesaid, 
by  the  Council  of  our  said  Lord  the  King, 
been  committed ;  And  by  the  command  of 
our  Lord  the  King  having  been  brought 
hither  to  the  bar  in  their  own  persons ;  And 
been  straightway,  concerning  the  prsemises 
above  severally  laid  to  their  charge,  asked 
how  they  would  be  acquitted  thereof,  say 
that  they  cannot  gainsay  but  that  they  them- 
selves, and  each  of  them,  concerning  the 
premises  above  severally  laid  to  their  charge 



ponunt  se,  et  quilibet  eorum  ponit  se,  in 
miaericordiam  Domini  Eegis ;  Super  quo 
instantes  servientes  Domini  Eegis  ad 
legem,  ac  ipsius  Eegis  attornatus  juxta 
debitam  legis  formam  pecierunt l  versus 
praefatos  *  *  Eobtum  Kete,  et  Willm. 
Kete  super  separates  cognicionea  suas 
proprias  in  hac  parte  factaa  judicium  et 
execucionem  superinde  prssdicto  Domino 
Eege  habendum  :  Et  super  hoc  visis,  et  per 
Curiam  his  intellectis  omnibus  singulis 
pramissis  consideratum  est  quod  prsedicti 
*  *  Eobtus  Kete  et  Willm.  Kete  du- 
cantur  per  prasfatum  Constabular.  Turria 
London,  uaque  dictum  Turrim  :  Et  deinde 
per  medium  civitatis  London,  directi  usque 
ad  furcas  de  Tyborne  trahantur,  et  super 
furcaa  suspendantur,  et  viventes  ad  terrain 
prosternantur  et  interiora  cujuslibet  eorum 
extra  ventres  BUGS  capiantur,  ipsiaque 
viventibus  comburantur,  et  capita  eorum 
amputentur ;  quodque  corpora  eorum  in 
quatuor  partes  dividantur :  Et  quod  capita 
etquarteria  cujuslibet  eorum  ponanturubi 
Dominus  Eex  ea  assignare  voluerit,  Ac.2 

are  GUILTY  thereof,  as  is  alleged  above  by 
the  aforesaid  several  indictments  ;  and  there- 
upon they,  and  each  one  of  them,  throw  them- 
selves on  the  King's  mercy :  "Whereupon 
the  King's  serjeants-at-law  and  the  King's 
attorney,  straightway,  according  to  due  form 
of  law,  sought  against  the  aforesaid  *  * 
Eobert  Kete  and  William  Kete,  on  their 
own  several  recognizances  in  this  part  made, 
JUDGMENT  and  EXECUTION  thereupon  to  be 
had  for  our  said  Lord  the  King :  and  there- 
upon all  and  every  the  praemises  having 
been  seen  and  taken  knowledge  of  by  the 
Court,  It  waa  determined  that  the  aforesaid 
*  *  Eoberte  Kete  and  William  Kete3 
be  led  by  the  aforesaid  constable  of  the 
Tower  as  far  as  to  the  said  Tower,  and  from 
thence  be  drawn  through  the  midst  of  the 
city  of  London  straight  to  the  gallows  at 
Tyburn,  and  on  that  gallows  be  hanged,  and 
while  yet  alive,  that  they  be  cast  on  the 
ground,  and  the  entrails  of  each  one  of  them 
be  taken  out  and  burnt  before  them,  while 
yet  alive,  and  their  heads  be  cut  off,  and 
their  bodies  divided  into  four  parts  ;  And 
that  the  heada  and  quarters  of  each  of  them 
be  placed  where  our  Lord  the  King  shall 
appoint,  &c. 

1  /.  e.  "  petierunt." 

2  Baga  de  Secretis,  Pouch  xvii. :  conclusion  of  the  "  Eecord  of  the  Session  of  Oyer 
and  Terminer,"  &c.,  membr.  3. 

3  There  being  four  other  names  mentioned  in  the  original  (viz.,  Humphrey  Arundel 
and  others,  connected  with  the  Devonshire  Eising),  Tr  et  S8,  i.  e.  "tractus  et  suspensus," 
"  drawn  and  hanged,"  is  repeated  in  the  margin  six  times. 

2  G  2 




Inquisitio  post  mortem  Roberti  Kett. 

Liberatum  fuit  Cur.  quinto  die  February 
anno  regni  Regis  Edwardi  sexti  quarto, 
per  man  us  Escaetoris. 

INQUISICIO  indeutat.  capt.  apud  Nor- 
wicum  in  le  Shirehous  in  com.  prsedicto, 
terciodecimo  die  Januarij,  anno  regni  Ed- 
wardi sexti,  Dei  gratia  Anglise,  Francia;, 
et  Hibernia3  Eegis,  Fidei  Defensoris,  et 
in  terra  Ecclesise  Anglicanse  et  Hibernicse 
Supremi  Capitis  tercio,  coram  Henrico 
Mynne,  armigero,  Escaetore  dicti  Domini 
Eegis  in  corn,  prsedicto  virtute  officii  sui, 
post  mortem  Eoberti  Knyght,  alias  Kett, 
nuper  dum  vixit  de  Wymondham  in  com. 
prsedicto,  tanner,  per  sacramentum  Eoberti 
Pannell  gent.,  Johannis  Downes  gent., 
Johannis  Goffe  gent.,  Johannis  Parker, 
Georgij  Series,  Eoberti  Brend,  Johannis 
Bowde,  Nicholi  Hirne,  Edwardi  Wright, 
Johannis  Flowerdew,  Eicardi  Sewell,  Ei- 
cardi  Pede,  Johannis  Fawcett,  Johannis 
Petynghale,  Eoberti  Kyng,  et  Thomas 
Norton  ;  Qui  dicunt,  super  sacramentum 
suum,  quod  prsedietus  Knyght,  alias  Kett, 
de  Wymondham  in  com.  prsedicto,  tanner, 
per  nomen  Eoberti  Kett,  alias  dicti  Eo- 
berti Knyght,  de  alta  prodicione  et  guerra 
levanda  versus  dictum  Dominum  Eegem 
per  ipsum  Eobertum,  apud  Musholde 
hethe,  in  parochiis  de  Sprowston  et  Thorpe 
juxta  Norwicum,  in  com.  Norff.,  vicesimo 
die  Julii  anno  regni  dicti  Domini  nostri 
Eegis  nunc  Edwardi  sexti  tertio,  tune  et 
ibidem  continuata  post  dictum  vicesimum 

Done  in  Court  the  5th.  day  of  February, 
in  the  4th.  year  of  the  reign  of  Edward 
Vlth.,  by  the  hands  of  the  Escheator. 

INQUISITION  indented  taken  at  Norwich 
in  the  shirehouse,  in  the  aforesaid  county,1 
13th.  of  January,  in  the  3rd.  year  of  the 
reign  of  Edward  Vlth.,  by  the  grace  of  God 
King  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland,  De- 
fender of  the  Faith,  and  on  earth  of  the 
Church  of  England  and  Ireland  Supreme 
Head;  in  the  presence  of  Henry  Mynne, 
Esq.,  escheator  of  our  said  Lord  the  King; 
in  the  county  aforesaid,  by  virtue  of  his 
office,  after  the  death  of  Eobert  Knyght, 
alias  Kett,  late,  while  he  lived,  of  Wymond- 
ham, in  the  aforesaid  county,  tanner  ;  on  the 
oath  of  Eobert  Pannell,  gent. ;  John  Downes, 
gent. ;  John  Goffe,  gent. ;  John  Parker, 
George  Series,  Eobert  Brend,  John  Bowde, 
Nicholas  Hirne,  Edward  Wright,  John 
Flowerdew,  Eichard  Sewell,  Eichard  Pede, 
John  Fawcett,  John  Petynghale,  Eobert 
Kyng,  and  Thomas  Norton ;  Who  say,  on 
their  oath,  that  the  aforesaid  Kuyght,  other- 
wise Kett,  of  Wymondham,  in  the  aforesaid 
county,  tanner,  by  the  name  of  Eobert  Kett, 
otherwise  called  Eobert  Knyght,  was  accused 
and  indicted  of  high  treason,  and  of  levying 
war  against  our  said  Lord  the  King,  by 
Eobert  himself  on  "  Musholde  hethe,"  in  the 
parishes  of  Sprowston  and  of  Thorpe  near 
Norwich,  in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  on  the 
20th.  day  of  July,  in  the  3rd.  year  of  the 
reign  of  our  said  King  that  now  is,  Edward 

1  The  county  has  not,  however,  previously  been  mentioned. 



diem  Julii  per  sex  septimanas  tune  prox- 
imo sequentes  impetitus  et  indictatus  fuit ; 
Qui  quidem  Eobertus  dictus  indictatus 
vicesimo  sexto  die  Novembris,  anno  regni 
praadicti  Domini  Eegis  nunc  tertio,  apud 
Westm.  in  Curia  Dom.  Eegis  eoram  Eic. 
Lyster,  milite,  capitali  Justiciario  Dom. 
Regis  de  Banco,  et  Edwardo  Mountague, 
milite,  capitali  Justiciario  dicti  Domini 
Eegis  de  Communi  Banco,  et  aliis  Justici- 
ariis  et  Commissionariis  ipsius  Domini 
Eegis,  ad  audiendum  et  terminandum 
assignatis,  altas  prodiciones,  felonias,  mur- 
derias  et  alias  offensiones  contra  eundem 
Dominum  Begem,  coronam  et  dignitatem 
suam  commissas,  arriatus  fuit  super  Indie- 
tamentum  praedictum,  et  de  alta  prodicione 
proedicta,  in  eodem  Indictamento  expressa, 
dictus  Eobertus  ad  tune  vicesimo  sexto 
die  Novembris  exactus,  et  inde  rogatus  in 
Curia  praadicta,  coram  Justiciariis  prsedic- 
tis,  quod  dicere  sciat  ad  Indictamentum 
prsedictum,  qui  Indictamentum  illud  dedi- 
cere  non  potuit,  sed  Indictamentum  prse- 
dictum  et  omnia  in  ilia  contenta  in  Curia 
prsedicta  coram  Justiciariis  praedictw,  ex 
mera  et  spontanea  voluntate  sua,  tune  et 
ibidem  fore  vera  cognovit,  et  ipsum  inde 
fore  culpabilem  factum  ;  per  quod  conside- 
ratum  et  adjudicatum  fuit  in  Curia  ilia  per 
Justiciaries  prsedictos,  quod  praedictus 
Eobertus  Kett,  secundum  legem  et  con- 
suetudinera  regni  Anglise,  traheretur  ad 
locum  executionis,  et  quod  ipse  ibidem 
suspendatur,  et  vivens  a  crucibus  capiatur, 
quodque  interellaa  et  membra  sua  a  cor- 
pore  suo  scindantur  et  amoveantur,  et  in 
ignem  coram  ipso  Eoberto  comburantur, 
ac  quod  caput  et  corpus  dicti  Eoberti 
Kett  in  quinque  partes  dividantur,  ad 
ponendum  in  diversis  locis  apertis,  ad 
placitum  Domini  Eegis,  necnon  ad  exem- 
plum  aliorum,  nisi  aliter  placuerit  dicto 

Vlth.,  having  then  and  there  been  carried  on 
after  the  said  20th.  of  July  for  the  six  weeks 
then  next  ensuing ;  Which  said  Eobert, 
having  been  indicted  on  the  26th.  November, 
in  the  3rd.  year  of  the  aforesaid  Lord  the 
King  that  now  is,  at  Westminster,  in  the 
court  of  our  Lord  the  King,  before  Eichard 
Lyster,  knight,  Chief  Justice  of  the  King's 
Bench ;  and  Edward  Mountague,  knight, 
Chief  Justice  of  our  said  Lord  the  King's 
Court  of  Common  Bench  ;  and  other  justices 
and  commissioners  of  our  Lord  the  King, 
assigned  to  hear  and  determine  the  high 
treasons,  felonies,  murders,  and  other  of- 
fences committed  against  the  same  our  Lord 
the  King,  his  crown  and  dignity,  was  ar- 
raigned on  the  aforesaid  indictment,  and 
of  the  aforesaid  high  treason  expressed  in 
the  same  indictment ;  the  said  Eobert  there- 
upon, on  the  26th.  day  of  November,  having 
been  demanded  and  asked  in  the  aforesaid 
court,  before  the  aforesaid  justices,  what  he 
had  to  say  to  the  aforesaid  indictment,  he 
could  not  gainsay  that  indictment,  but  as 
regarded  the  aforesaid  indictment  and  all 
things  therein  contained,  he,  in  the  aforesaid 
court,  in  the  presence  of  the  aforesaid  jus- 
tices, of  his  own  free  will,  then  and  there 
confessed  that  they  were  true,  and  that  he 
himself  was  guilty  thereof;  Thereupon  it 
was  considered  and  determined  in  that  court, 
by  the  aforesaid  justices,  that  the  aforesaid 
Eobert  Kett,  according  to  the  law  and  cus- 
tom of  the  realm  of  England,  be  drawn  to 
the  place  of  execution ;  that  he  there  be 
hanged ;  that  he,  while  yet  alive,  be  taken 
from  the  gallows ;  that  his  entrails  and 
members  be  cut  off  and  removed  from  his 
body,  and  be  burnt  in  the  fire  in  the  pre- 
sence of  Eobert  himself;  and  that  the  head 
and  body  of  the  said  Eobert  Kett  be  divided 
into  five  parts,  to  be  placed  in  various  public 
places,  according  to  the  King's  pleasure,  and 



Domino  Eegi  pardonare  vel  aliter  deter- 
minare  pro  execueione  dicti  Eoberti :  pos- 
teaquam  prsedictus  Bobertus  Kett  videlicet 
primo  die  Decembris  anno  regni  preedicti 
Domini  Begis  nunc  tertio,  a  civitate  Lon- 
doni  usque  civitatem  Norwici  in  prsedicto 
comitatu  Norff.  in  prisonam  Guyhalde 
preedictas  civitatis  per  mandatum  dicti 
Domini  Eegis  conductus  fuit,  et  a  prisona 
ilia  per  mandatum  ipsius  Domini  Eegis 
septimo  die  ejusdem  mensis  Septembris 
(sic)  usque  ad  castrum  Norwici  tractus, 
tune  et  ibidem  per  muros  ejusdem  castri, 
per  prseceptum  ipsius  dicti  Domini  Eegis, 
in  cathenis  virtute  judicii  prsedicti  ut  felo 
et  proditor  Domini  Eegis  suspensus  fuit: 
Et  dicunt  ulterius  Jurati  prsedicti,  super 
sacramentum  suum  prasdictum,  quod  diu 
antetempus  perpetracionis  altsprodicionis 
prasdictse,  quod  Johannes  Comes  Warwik 
prsenobilis  ordinis  Garterii  miles  et  Do- 
minus  Camerarius  Anglise,  fuit  seisitus  in 
doininico  suo  ut  de  feodo  de  et  in  manerio 
de  Wyndham  cum  pertinentiis,  de  omni- 
bus illis  mesuagiis,  curtilagiis,  boscis,  sub- 
boscis,pasturis  et  gardinis  cum  pertinentiis 
jacentibus  sive  existentibus  in  Wyndham, 
alias  Wymondham,  in  com.  preedicto,  et 
aliis  villis  eidem  villa  adjacentibus  nuper 
Hospital,  de  Burton.  Sancti  Lazari  in  com. 
Leic.  spectantibus,  cum  omnibus  aliis 
redditibus,  perquisicionibus,  Curiis  let., 
commoditatibus,  proficuis,  et  emoluments 
quibuscunque,  eisdem  mesuagiis  et  ceteris 
prsemissis  aliquo  modo  spectantibus  sive 
pertinentibus :  Et  praadictus  Comes  sic  de 
prsemissis  seisitus  existens,  diu  ante  perpe- 
tracionem  prodicionis  predict®  per  nomen 
Johannis  Dudley  pranobilis  ordinis  Gar- 

also  for  an  example  to  others ;  unless  it 
should  be  the  pleasure  of  the  said  King  to 
pardon,  or  determine  otherwise  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  said  Eobert :  Afterwards  the  afore- 
said Eobert  Kett,  viz.,  on  the  1st.  day  of 
December,  in  the  3rd.  year  of  the  reign  of 
the  aforesaid  our  Lord  the  King  that  now 
is,  was  conveyed  from  the  city  of  London  as 
far  as  to  the  city  of  Norwich,  in  the  afore- 
said county  of  Norfolk,  to  the  prison  of  the 
Guildhall  of  the  aforesaid  city,  by  the  com- 
mand of  the  said  King,  and  from  that  prison, 
by  the  command  of  the  King  himself,  on  the 
7th.  day  of  the  same  month '  having  been 
drawn  to  Norwich  Castle,  then  and  there, 
on  the  walls  of  the  same  castle,  by  the  com- 
mand of  our  said  Lord  the  King,  was  hanged 
in  chains,  by  virtue  of  the  aforesaid  judg- 
ment, as  a  murderer  and  traitor  against  the 
King :  And  the  aforesaid  jurors  say  further, 
on  their  aforesaid  oath,  that  for  a  long  while 
before  the  time  of  the  perpetration  of  the 
aforesaid  high  treason,  John,  Earl  of  War- 
wick, Knight  of  the  most  noble  order  of  the 
Garter,  and  Lord  Chamberlain  of  England, 
was  seised  in  his  demesne,  as  of  fee,  of 
and  in  the  manor  of  Wyndham  with  the 
appurtenances,  of  all  those  messuages,  cur- 
tilages, woods,  under-woods,  pastures,  and 
gardens,  with  their  appurtenances,  lying  or 
being  in  Wyndham,  otherwise  Wymondham, 
in  the  aforesaid  county,  and  in  other  villages 
adjacent  to  the  same  town,  lately  belonging 
to  the  Hospital  of  Burton  Lazars,  in  the 
county  of  Leicester,  with  all  other  reve- 
nues, perquisites,  courts  leet,  commodities, 
profits  and  emoluments  whatsoever,  in  any 
way  belonging  or  appertaining  to  the  same 
messuages  and  the  other  premises  :  And  the 

In  the  Inquisition  it  is  "  same  month  of  September;"  but  this  is  clearlv  an  error: 
it  should  have  been  "  December." 



terii  militis,  Vicecomitis  Lisle,  ac  Magni 
Admirall.  Anglise,  licentia  nuper  Domini 
nostri  Eegis  Henrici  octavi  per  literas 
suas  patentes  prius  habitas  et  obtentas, 
dedit,  concessifc,  et  carta  sua  confirmavit, 
manerium,  mesuagia,  terras,  tenamenta  et 
cetera  prsemissa,  praefato  Eobto  Kett  per 
nomen  Eobti  Knyght  alias  Kett,  haben- 
dum  et  tenendum  praedictum  mauerium, 
terras,  tenamenta,  et  cetera  praemissa,  prae- 
fato  Eobto  Knyght  alias  Kett  pro  termino 
vitaj  ipsius  Eobti,  remanere  inde  post  mor- 
tem dicti  Eobti,  "Willnio  Knyght  alias 
dicto  "VVillrno  Kett,  tune  filio  et  heredi 
apparent!  dicti  Eobti,  et  hered.  et  assign, 
dicti  Willmi,  ad  opus  et  usum  prsedicti 
Eobti  pro  termino  vitaa  suae  ;  Et  post  mor- 
tem dicti  Eobti,  ad  opus  et  usum  dicti 
"Willmi  hered.  et  assign,  suorum  tenen- 
dum do  dicto  Domino  nuper  Eege,  herede 
et  successoribus  suis,  per  servicia  quse  ad 
manerium,  terras,  et  tenamenta  pertinent, 
prout  per  prsedictam  cartam  inde  Jurato- 
ribus  prasdictis  super  capcionem  hujus 
Inquisicionis  in  evidenc.  ostensam,  cujus 
dat.  est  xxvij  die  Marcij  anno  regni  dicti 
nuper  Eegis  Henrici  octavi  tricesimo 
septimo  plenius  liquet  et  apparet :  cujus 
praetextu  dictus  Eobtus  Kett  fuit  seisitus 
de  manerio  prsedicto,  et  ceteris  prasmissis, 
tempore  perpetracionis  altae  prodicionis 
praedictae,  et  die  obitus  sui,  in  dominico 
suo  pro  termino  vitae  suse,  remanere  iude 
post  mortem  ipsius  Eobti  prsefato  Willmo 
Kett,  hered.  et  assign,  suis :  Et  Jurati 
prasdicti  ulterius  dicunt,  super  sacramen- 
tum  suum  praadictum,  quod  praofatus  Eob- 
tus Kett  diu  ante  perpetracionem  altae 
prodicionis  praedictae,  fuit  seisitus  in  domi- 
nico suo  ut  de  feodo  de  et  in  maneriis  de 
Meliors  Halle,  et  Lethers  alias  Letars, 
modo  vocato  Gunviles  Maner,  cum  suis 
pertinentiis,  in  Wymondham  praedicto  et 

aforesaid  earl,  having  been  thus  seised  of  the 
praemises  a  long  while  before  the  perpetration 
of  the  aforesaid  treason,  by  the  name  of  John 
Dudley,  Knight  of  the  most  noble  order  of 
the  Garter,  Viscount  Lisle,  and  High  Admi- 
ral of  England,  by  license  of  the  late  King 
Henry  Vlllth, by  his  letters  patent  previously 
had  and  obtained,  gave,  granted,  and  by  his 
deed  confirmed  the  manor,  messuages,  lands, 
tenements,  and  the  other  prsemises,  to  the 
aforesaid  Eobert  Kett,  by  the  name  of 
Eobert  Knyght,  otherwise  Kett ;  To  Have 
and  to  hold  the  aforesaid  manor,  lands,  tene- 
ments, and  the  other  prsemises,  to  Eobert 
Knyght,  otherwise  Kett,  for  the  term  of 
Eobert's  own  life,  with  remainder,  after  the 
death  of  the  said  Eobert,  to  William  Knyght, 
otherwise  called  William  Kett,  the  then  son 
and  heir  apparent  of  the  said  Eobert,  and  to 
the  heirs  and  assigns  of  the  said  William,  for 
the  use  and  benefit  of  the  aforesaid  Eobert, 
for  the  term  of  his  life  :  And  after  the  death 
of  the  said  Eobert,  for  the  use  and  benefit 
of  the  said  William,  his  heirs  and  assigns, 
to  hold  of  the  said  late  King,  his  heirs  and 
successors,  by  the  services  which  belong  to 
the  manor,  lands,  and  tenements,  as  more  fully 
appears,  and  is  evident  from  the  aforesaid 
deed,  shown  in  evidence  to  the  aforesaid 
Jurors  on  the  holding  of  this  inquisition  ;  of 
which  deed  the  date  is  March  27th.,  in  the 
37th.  year  of  the  late  King,  Henry  Vlllth. : 
By  pretext  of  which,  the  said  Eobert  Kett 
was  seised  of  the  manor  aforesaid,  and  the 
other  premises  at  the  time  of  perpetrating 
the  aforesaid  high  treason  and  on  the  day  of 
his  death,  in  his  demesne  for  the  term  of  bis 
life,  with  remainder,  after  the  death  of  the 
aforesaid  Eobert,  to  William  Kett,  his  heirs 
and  assigns :  And  the  aforesaid  Jurors  fur- 
ther say,  on  their  aforesaid  oath,  that  the 
aforesaid  Eobert  Kett,  for  a  long  while  before 
the  perpetration  of  the  aforesaid  high  trea- 



aliis  villis  eidein  villae  adjacentibus  :  Et  sic 
inde   seisitus   existens   diu  ante   tempus 
perpetracionem  prodicionis  preedictse  dedit, 
concessit,  et  carta  sua  indentata  confirma- 
vifc,  medietatem  praedictorum  maneriorum 
vocatorum  Meliora  halle  et  Lethers  alias 
Letars  modo  vocat.  Gunviles,  per  nomen 
medietatis  manerii  sui  de  Meliors  halle 
et  Lethers  alias  Letars  tune  vocat.  Gun- 
viles  Manour,   cum  suis  pertinentiis,   in 
Wymondham  praedicto,  necnon  medietatis 
omnium  aliorum  maneriorum  suorum,  me- 
auagiorum,  terrarum,  tenamentorum,  pra- 
torurn,  pascuorum,  pastuarum,  boscorum, 
subboscorum,  reddituum,  serviciorum,  Cu- 
riarum  letarum,  vie.  franc.,  catall.,  waviat., 
extrahur.,  escaet.,  et  omnium  aliorum  bere- 
ditamentorum     suorum      quoruincunque, 
cum  omnibus  et  singulis  suia  pertinentiis 
scituatis,  jacentibua  et  existentibus  in  villa 
et  campis  de  Wymondham  praedicto,  seu 
alibi  in  aliqua  alia  villa  et  loco  infra  dic- 
tum  com.    Norff.,   quse    tune  aut   antea 
reputabantur,  aut  aliquo   modo  accepta- 
bantur,  aut   cognoscebantur,   pro   aliqua 
parte  vel  parcella  dictorum  maneriorum, 
aut  eorum  alicujus,  quaa  prsedictus  Eobtus 
habuit  sibi  et  heredibua  aui  sex  dono,  con- 
ceaaione,  liberacione,  feoffamento,  et  con- 
firmacione  Eicardi  Gonviles  ;  Habendum 
et  tenendum  praedictam  medietatem  ma- 
neriorum praedictorum  et  ceterorum  prse- 
missorum    praefato     Eicardo     Colyor    et 
assignatia  suis,   ad   opus   et   usum    dicti 
Eicardi  et  assign,    suorum   pro   termino 
vitae  suss,  sub  forma  et  condicione  sequente ; 
videlt.  si  praedictus  Eobtus  solvat  seu  solvi 
faciat  aut  hered.  vel  execut.   sui  aolvant 
vel  solvi  faciant  prsefato  Eicardo  Colyour 
ducent.  libras  legalis  monetse  Angliae  cum 
inde  requisitus  fuerit  quod  ex  tune  prseaens 
carta  indentata  ac  seisia  praemissorum  in 
forma  praedicta  libat.  et  capt.  vacuaB  sint 

son,  was  seised  in  his  desmene  as  of  fee,  of 
and  in  the  manors  of  Meliors  Hall,  and 
Lethers,  otherwise  Letars,  then  called  Gun- 
vile's  Manor,  with  their  appurtenances,  in 
Wymondham  aforesaid,  and  other  villages 
adjacent  to  the  same  town :  And  being  thus 
seised  thereof  a  long  while  before  the  time 
of  the  perpetration  of  the  aforesaid  treason, 
he  gave,  granted,  and,  by  his  deed  indented, 
confirmed  the  moiety  of  the  aforesaid  manors 
called  Meliors  Hall  and  Lethers,  otherwise 
Letars,  now  called  Gunvile's,  under  the 
name  of  the  moiety  of  his  manor  of  Meliors 
Hall  and  Lethers,  otherwise  Letars,  then 
called  Gunvile's  Manor,  with  their  appurte- 
nances in  Wymondham  aforesaid  ;  also  of  the 
moiety  of  all  other  his  manors,  messuages, 
lands,  tenements,  meadows,  grazing  grounds, 
pasturea,  woods,  under-woods,  rents,  services, 
courts  leet,  views  of  frank-pledge,  chattels, 
waifs,  strays,  escheats,  and  all  other  his 
hereditaments  whatever,  with  all  and  singular 
their  appurtenances,  situate,  lying,  and  being 
in  the  town  and  fields  of  Wymondham  afore- 
said, or  elsewhere  in  any  other  town  or  place 
within  the  said  county  of  Norfolk,  which 
then  or  previously  were  reputed,  or  in  any 
way  accepted  or  acknowledged,  as  part  or 
parcel  of  the  said  manors,  or  of  any  one  of 
them,  which  the  aforesaid  Eobert  held  for 
himself  and  his  heirs,  by  the  gift,  grant,  re- 
lease, feoffment,  and  confirmation  of  Eichard 
Gonviles :  To  have  and  to  hold  the  afore- 
said moiety  of  the  manors  aforesaid  and 
the  other  preemisea  aforesaid,  to  Eichard 
Colyor  and  his  assigns,  for  the  use  and 
benefit  of  the  said  Eichard  and  his  assigns,  for 
the  term  of  his  life,  under  the  following  form 
and  conditions  ;  viz.,  If  the  aforesaid  Eobert 
pay  or  cause  to  be  paid,  or  his  heirs  or  exe- 
cutors pay  or  cause  to  be  paid,  to  the  afore- 
said Eichard  Colyour  two  hundred  pounds 
lawful  money  of  England  upon  demand  ;  that 



nulliusque  effectus  neque  vigoris  alioquin 
firma  sit  et  stabilis  ad  opus  et  usum  dicti 
Ricardi  Colyour  pro  termino  vit».  suse 
prout  per  cartatn  Indentatam  praadicti 
Robti  Juratoribus  prsedictis  super  cap- 
cionem  hujus  Inquisicionis  in  evidencia 
oatensam  cujus  dat.  esfc  sexto  die  Januarii 
anno  regni  dicti  nuper  Regis  Henrici 
Octavi  tricesimo  octavo  plenius  liquet  et 
apparet  cujus  praetextu  praedictus  Ricardus 
Colyour  fuit  et  adhuc  est  seisitus  de  prae- 
dicta  medietate  raanerioruui  praedictorutn 
et  ceterorum  praemiasorum  iu  dominico 
suo  pro  termino  vitse  su»  sub  forma  et 
condicione  praadictia  et  de  revercione  dic- 
tae  medietatis  eidem  Eobto  Kett  et  here- 
dibus  suis  pertinentibus  et  de  alia  medie- 
tate maneriorum  prsedictorum  una  cum 
suis  pertinentiis  vocat.  Gunviles  idem 
Robtus  Kett  tempore  perpetracionis  pro- 
dicionis  praedictae  et  die  mortis  sui  seisitus 
in  dominico  suo  ut  de  feodo:  Et  dicunt 
ulterius  Jurati  prsedicti  super  sacramen- 
tura  suum  prsedictum  quod  praed  ictus 
Robtus  Knyght  alias  dictus  Robtus  Kett 
diu  ante  perpetracionem  prodicionis  prae- 
dictse  ac  tempore  quo  prsedictus  Robertus 
attinctus  fuit  de  alta  prodicione  praedicta 
ac  tempore  mortis  suaa  fuit  seisitus  in 
dominico  suo  ut  de  feodo  de  et  in  uno 
mesuagio  cum  edificiis  et  gardinis  eidem 
mesuagio  annexatis  quondam  duo  tene- 
menta  contigua  quorum  unum  vocat  ur 
Chyllinges  et  alterum  vocatur  Tyes  quon- 
dam Johannis  Braybroke  jac.  in  vico 
vocato  Cakwik  inter  Inclusum  nuper 
Abbatis  et  Conventus  monasterii  beat® 
Marias  de  "Wymondham  vocatum  Wigmore 
ex  parte  austr. ;  et  Regiam  Viam  ex  parte 
aquilon.  Et  abutt.  super  tenementum 
nuper  Simonis  Sawer  et  fossatum  dictum 
Inclusum  vocatum  Wigmore  versus  orient, 
et  super  tenementum  et  hortum  nuper 


thereupon  the  present  Deed  indented,  and 
possession  of  the  prsemises,  in  the  form  afore- 
said, cease  and  become  void  and  of  none  effect 
or  force ;  but  otherwise,  be  offeree  and  virtue 
for  the  use  and  benefit  of  the  said  Richard 
Colyour  for  the  term  of  his  life,  as  more  fully 
appears  in  and  is  proved  by  the  said  Deed 
indented  of  the  aforesaid  Robert,  that  was 
shown  in  evidence  to  the  aforesaid  Jurors  on 
the  holding  of  this  Inquisition ;  of  which  Deed 
the  date  is  January  6th,  in  the  38th.  year  of 
the  late  King,  Henry  VHIth :  By  pretext  of 
which  the  aforesaid  Richard  Colyour  was,  and 
still  is,  seised  of  the  aforesaid  moiety  of  the 
manors  aforesaid,  and  of  the  other  promises 
in  his  demesne  for  the  term  of  his  life,  under 
the  form  and  condition  aforesaid,  and  of  the 
reversion  of  the  said  moiety  to  the  same 
Robert  Kett  and  his  heirs  belonging ;  and  of 
the  other  moiety  of  the  manor  aforesaid, 
together  with  its  appurtenances,  called  Gun- 
viles, the  same  Robert  Kett,  at  the  time  of 
the  perpetration  of  the  high  treason  afore- 
said, waa  seised  in  his  demesne  as  of  fee : 
And  further  the  aforesaid  Jurors  say  on  their 
aforesaid  oath,  that  the  aforesaid  Robert 
Knyght,  otherwise  called  Robert  Kett,  for  a 
long  while  before  the  perpetration  of  the 
aforesaid  treason,  and  at  the  time  when  the 
aforesaid  Robert  was  attainted  of  the  high 
treason  aforesaid,  and  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  was  seised  in  hia  demesne,  as  of  fee, 
of  and  in  a  messuage,  with  edifices  and  gar- 
dens to  the  same  messuage  annexed,  formerly 
two  contiguous  tenements,  whereof  one  is 
called  Chyllinges  and  the  other  is  called 
Tyes,  formerly  belonging  to  John  Braybroke, 
lying  in  the  village  called  Cakewik,  between 
an  enclosure  lately  belonging  to  the  Abbot 
and  Convent  of  the  monastery  of  the  Blessed 
Mary  at  "Wymondham,  called  Wigmore,  on 
the  south,  and  the  King's  highway,  on  the 
north ;  and  abutting  on  a  tenement  of  the 



Margaret®  Braybrok  et  quondam  Eicardi 
Dukkelyng  versus  Occident,  ac  eciamde  et 
in  una  pecia  terras  arrabilis  jacent.  in  Wy- 
raondham  prasdicto  in  campo  vocato  Cake- 
wik  Fild  apud  Marlepitts  computata  pro 
una  acra  :  Et  dicunt  ulterius  Jurati  prae- 
dicti  quod  praedictum  manerium  vocat. 
Gunviles  cum  pertineutiis  in  Wymondham 
tempore  perpetracionis  altae  prodicionis 
praedictae  ac  tempore  mortis  prsedicti 
Eoberti  tenebatur  et  adhuc  tenetur  de 
manerio  de  Grishaugh  in  Wymondham  per 
fidelitatem  et  redditum  quatuor  solidorum 
et  octo  denariorum ;  et  valet  clare  per 
annum  in  omnibus  exitibus  ultra  repris. 
tredecim  libras  sex  solidos  etocto  denarios: 
Et  quod  praedictum  manerium  de  Wy- 
mondbam  nuper  Hospital,  de  Burton 
Sancti  Lazari  in  dicto  com.  Leic.  cum 
pertinentiis  in  Wymondham  et  aliis  villis 
eidem  villas  adjacent,  tempore  perpetra- 
cioois  praedictae  altae  prodicionis  ac  tem- 
pore mortis  prsedicti  Eoberti  tenebatur  et 
adhuc  tenetur  de  Domino  Eege  in  capite 
Et  valet  per  annum  ultra  repris.  quatuor 
libras  Et  quod  praedictum  mesuagium  cum 
gardinia  et  edificiis  eidem  adjacent,  cum 
praedicta  pecia  terras  computata  pro  una 
acra  tempore  perpetracionis  altas  prodi- 
cionis praedictae  ac  tempore  mortis  prae- 
dicti  Eoberti  tenebatur  et  adhuc  tenetur 
de  praenobilissima  Domina  Maria  sorore 
Domini  Eegis  nostri  praedicti  ut  de  manerio 
suo  de  Wymondham  per  fidelitatem  et 
redditurn  iiij  d.  q°  videlt.  pro  prasdicto 
mesuagio  et  pecia  terrae  ij  d.  q°  et  pro  pras- 
dicto  gardino  ij  d. :  Et  valet  per  annum 
ultra  repris.  viginti  solidos:  Et  ulterius 
Jurati  praedicti  dicunt  super  sacramentum 
suum  quod  praedictus  Eobertus  Kett  nulla 

late  Simon  Sawer,  and  the  ditched-in  said 
enclosure  called  Wigmore,  on  the  east ;  and 
on  a  tenement  and  orchard  of  the  late  Mar- 
garet Braybroke,  and  formerly  Eichard 
Dukkelyng's,  towards  the  west ;  and  also  of 
and  in  a  piece  of  arable  land  lying  in 
Wymondham  aforesaid,  in  the  field  called 
"  Cakewik  Fild,  near  the  Marlepitts,"  com- 
puted at  one  acre ;  And  the  aforesaid  Jurors 
say  further,  that  the  aforesaid  manor  called 
Gunviles,  with  the  appurtenances,  in  Wy- 
mondham, at  the  time  of  the  perpetration  of 
the  high  treason  aforesaid,  and  at  the  time 
of  the  death  of  the  aforesaid  Eobert,  was 
held,  and  is  still  held,  of  the  manor  of  Gris- 
haugh, in  Wymondham,  by  fealty,  and  a  rent 
of  4s.  8d. ;  and  that  the  clear  annual  value  in 
all  outgoings,  beyond  reprises,1  is  £13. 6s.  Sd. 
And  that  the  aforesaid  manor  of  Wymond- 
ham, lately  belonging  to  the  Hospital  of 
Burton  Lazars,  in  the  said  county  of  Leicester, 
with  its  appurtenances,  in  Wymondham  and 
other  villages  adjacent  to  the  same  town,  at 
the  time  of  the  perpetration  of  the  aforesaid 
high  treason,  and  at  the  time  of  the  death  of 
the  aforesaid  Eobert,  was  held,  and  is  still 
held,  of  our  Lord  the  King  in  capite ;  And 
that  the  annual  value  of  it,  beyond  reprises, 
is  £4  ;  And  that  the  aforesaid  messuage,  with 
gardens  and  edifices  thereunto  adjacent,  with 
the  aforesaid  piece  of  ground,  computed  at 
one  acre,  at  the  time  of  the  perpetration  of 
the  high  treason  aforesaid,  and  at  the  time  of 
the  death  of  the  aforesaid  Eobert,  was  held, 
and  is  still  held,  of  the  most  noble  Lady 
Mary,  sister  of  our  Lord  the  King  aforesaid, 
as  of  her  manor  of  Wymondham,  by  fealty 
and  a  rent  of  4t\d. ;  viz.,  for  the  aforesaid 
messuage  and  piece  of  ground  2$d.,  and  for 
the  aforesaid  garden  2d.  And  the  clear 

1  I'.e.  "deductions." 



alia  sive  plura  maneria  terras  tenementa 
sive  hereditamenta  in  possessione  rever- 
cione  remaner.  servicio  nee  aliter  de  dicto 
Domino  Rege  nee  de  aliquo  alio  infra  com. 
praedictum  tempore  perpetracionis  prodi- 
cionis  praedictse  nee  unquam  postea:  Et 
Jurati  prasdicti  ulterius  dicunt  quod  ad 
praasens  ignorant  qui  vel  quis  persona  sive 
persons  exitus  et  proficua  prcemissorum 
prsedictorum  a  tempore  perpetracionis 
prodicionis  prsedictse  usque  diem  capcionis 
hujus  Inquisicionis  habuerunt  sive  per- 

In  cujus  rei  testimonium  uni  parti 
hujus  Inquisicionis  penes  prsefatos  Juratos 
remanenti  prsedictus  Escaetor  sigillum 
suum  apposuit;  alteri  vero  parti  ejusdem 
Inquisicionis  penes  prsefatum  Escaetorem 
remanenti  tarn  idem  Escaetor  quam  Jurati 
praadicti  sigilla  apposuerunt. 

Dat.  die  anno  et  loco  supradictis.1 

annual  value,  beyond  reprises,  is  20s.  And 
the  aforesaid  Jurors  say  further  on  their  oath, 
that  the  aforesaid  Eobert  Kett  held  none 
other  or  more  manors,  lands,  tenements,  or 
hereditaments,  in  possession,  reversion,  re- 
mainder, service,  nor  otherwise,  of  the  said 
Lord  the  King,  nor  of  any  other,  within  the 
county  aforesaid,  at  the  time  of  the  perpetra- 
tion of  the  treason  aforesaid,  nor  ever  after ; 
And  the  aforesaid  Jurors  say  further,  that  they 
know  not  who,  or  what  person  or  persons, 
have  had  or  received  the  outgoings  and  profits 
of  the  aforesaid  prsemises  from  the  time  of 
the  perpetration  of  the  treason  aforesaid  up 
to  the  day  of  the  taking  of  this  Inquisition. 
In  testimony  of  which,  to  one  part  of  this 
Inquisition,  that  remains  in  the  hands  of  the 
aforesaid  Jurors,  the  Escheator  aforesaid  hath 
put  his  seal ;  but  to  the  other  part  of  the 
same  Inquisition,  that  remains  in  the  hands 
of  the  aforesaid  Escheator,  as  well  the  saint; 
Escheator  as  also  the  Jurors  aforesaid  have 
put  their  seals. 

Q-iven  the   day,    year,   and   place   above 

1  Escheats,  Virtute  Officii,  Edward  VI.  Kb.  43. 

2  H  2 




Rolls  Chapel — Patent  Rolls,  4<th  Edward  VI. 

Thomas  Audeley.  Pro  Thoma  Audeley 
armigero;  de  conced.  sibi  et  heredibus. 
EEX  omnibus  ad  quos,  &c.,  salutem. 
Sciatis  quod  nos,  in  consideracione  boni, 
veri,  fidelis,  et  magnanimi  servicii  per 
dilectum  et  fidelem  servientem  nostrum 
Thomam  Audeley  armigerum  in  conflictu 
versus  innaturales  subditos  nostros,  pro- 
ditores  ac  nobis  rebelles  in  comitatu 
nostro  Norffolciense  pro  nobis  dudum 
habiti  et  facti,  ac  in  conviccione  et  sub- 
duccione  eorundem  multis  variisque  modis 
praastiti  ac  impensi  ;  Quorum  quidem 
rebellium  et  proditorum  quidam  Bobertus 
Knyght,  alias  dictus  Bobertus  Kett, 
extitit  captaneus  et  conductor  prseci- 
puus ;  de  gratia  nostra  speciali  ac  ex 
certa  scientia  et  mero  motu  nostro,  necnon 
de  avisamento  Consilii  nostri,  dedimus  et 
concessimus,  ac  per  prassentes  dam  us  et 
concedimus  prsefato  Thomae  Audeley  omnia 
ilia  maneria  nostra  de  Meliors  hall,  et 
Letters  hall,  alias  Leters,  modo  vocatum 
Gunvile  manor,  ac  totum  illud  manerium 
nostrum  vocatum  Gunviles  maner,  in 
comitatu  nostro  Norffolciense,  cum  suis 
juribus,  membris,  et  pertinentiis  universis, 
nuper  parcellam  terrarum,  possessionum 
et  revencionum  dicti  Boberti  Knyght 
alias  dicti  Boberti  Kett,  de  alta  prodicione 
attincti  et  convicti  dudum  existentis  :  Ac 
omnia  et  singula  mesuagia,  tofta,  cotagia, 
molendina,  domos,  edificia,  terras,  tene- 
menta,  prata,  pascua,  pasturas,  redditus,  re- 
versiones,  servicia,  redditus  oneris,  redditus 
siccos,  ac  redditus  super  quibuscumque 
dimissionibus  et  concessionibus  reservatos, 
annuitates,  annuales  redditus,  firmas  feo'di, 

Thomas  Audeley.    For  Thomas  Audeley,  Esq. ; 

grant  to  himself  and  heirs. 
THE  KING  to  all  to  whom,  &c.,  greeting. 
Know  ye  that  we,  in  consideration  of  the 
good,  true,  faithful  and  magnaminous  ser- 
vices, by  our  beloved  and  faithful  >  servant 
Thomas  Audeley,  Esquire,  in  the  contest 
with  our  unnatural  subjects,  traitors  to  and 
rebels  against  us,  in  our  county  of  Norfolk, 
for  us  lately  had  and  performed  ;  and  in  the 
conquering  and  subduing  of  the  same  in 
many  and  various  ways  had  and  performed  ; 
Of  which  rebels  and  traitors  one  Eobert 
Knyght,  otherwise  called  Eobert  Kett,  was 
captain  and  principal  leader  ;  Of  our  special 
grace,  and  of  sure  knowledge,  and  of  our  own 
free  will,  also  with  the  advice  of  our  Council, 
We  have  given  and  granted,  and  by  these 
presents  do  give  and  grant,  to  the  aforesaid 
THOMAS  ATJDELEY  all  those  our  manors  of 
Melior's  Hall  and  Lether's  Hall,  otherwise 
Leters,  now  called  Guuvile  Manor,  and  all 
that  our  manor  called  Gunviles  Manor,  in 
our  county  of  Norfolk,  with  all  their  rights, 
members,  and  appurtenances,  lately  parcel  of 
the  lands,  possessions,  and  revenues  of  the 
said  Eobert  Knyght,  otherwise  called  Eobert 
Kett,  who  was  lately  attainted  and  convicted 
of  high  treason:  And  all  and  singular  the 
messuages,  tofts,  cottages,  mills,  houses,  edi- 
fices, lands,  tenements,  meadows,  grazing 
grounds,  pastures,  dues,  reversions,  services, 
rents  of  labour,  and  rents  sec,  and  rents 
reserved  on  any  demises  or  grants,  annuities, 
annual  rents,  fee-farms,  farms,  fishponds  and 
fisheries,  woods,  underwoods,  furze,  heath, 
moors,  marshes,  commons,  ways,  void  places, 
courts  leet,  and  perquisites  and  profits  of 



iirmas,  aquas  piscarias,  et  piscationes, 
boscos,  subboscos,  jampna,  brueras,  moras, 
mariscos,  cotutiiuniaa,  vias,  vacua  funda, 
curiaa  letas,  ac  curiarum  letarum  per- 
quisitiones  et  proficua,  visus  ffranci  plegi 
ac  oiuuia  qua  ad  visum  ffranci  plegi  per- 
tinent seu  imposterum  spectare  possint 
aut  debent,  natives,  nativas  et  villanos, 
cum  eorum  sequelis,  feed,  militum,  wardas, 
maritagia,  esthehetas,  relevia,  heriettos, 
bona  et  catalla,  waviata,  extrahuras,  jura, 
libertates,  advocationes,  jura  patronatus, 
proficua,  commoditates,  emolumeuta,  et 
hereditamenta  nostra  quaacumque,  cum 
eorum  pertinentiis  universis,  scituatis, 
jacentibus  et  existentibus  in  villa,  campis 
et  parochia  de  Wymondham  alias  dicta 
Wyndham,  in  dicto  comitatu  nostro  Nor- 
ffolciense,  ac  alibi  ubicumque  in  eodem 
comitatu  Norffolciense,  dictis  maneriis  de 
Melyors  hall,  et  Lethers  hall,  alias  Leters, 
ac  dicto  manerio  vocato  G-unvyle  Manor, 
seu  eorum  alicui  vel  aliquibus  quoquomodo 
spectantibus  sive  pertinentibus,  aut  ut 
membra,  partes,  vel  parcelte  eorundem 
maneriorum,  ecu  eorum  alicujus  modo  vel 
antehac  habita,  cognita,  accepta,  reputata, 
ditnissa,  seu  locata  existentia :  Ac  etiam 
duo  ilia  mesuagia  et  tenementa  nostra  cum 
pertinentiis  vocata  Chelynges  et  Tyes 
modo  in  unum  mesuagium  conf'ecta  ac 
unum  gardinum  eidem  adjacens ;  cum 
eorum  pertinentiis  universis  quondam 
Johannis  Graybroke  ac  nuper  parcella 
dictarum  terrarum,  possessionum,  et  re- 
vencionum  dicti  Boberti  Knyght  alias 
dicti  Boberti  Kett  existentia,  scituata, 
jacentia,  et  existentia  in  vico  vocato  Cake- 
wyke,  in  Wymondham,  alias  dicto  Wynd- 
ham prsedicto,  inter  inclusum  nuper 
Abbatis  et  Conventus  nuper  Monasterii 
Beata?  Maria?  in  Wymondham  praedicto, 
vocatum  Wygmore,  ex  parte  australi,  et 

courts  leet,  views  of  frank-pledge,  and  all 
things  pertaining,  or  that  hereafter  may  or 
ought  to  pertain,  to  view  of  frank-pledge, 
bondmen  and  bondwomen,  and  villans  with 
their  sequels,  knights'  fees,  wards,  marriage 
rights,  escheats,  reliefs,  heriots,  goods  and 
chattels,  waifs,  strays,  rights,  liberties,  call- 
ings, rights  of  patronage,  profits,  advantages, 
commodities,  and  all  our  hereditaments  what- 
soever, with  all  their  appurtenances,  situate, 
lying,  and  being  in  the  town,  fields,  and 
parish  of  Wymondham,  otherwise  called 
Wyndham,  in  our  said  county  of  Norfolk, 
and  everywhere  else  in  the  same  county  of 
Norfolk,  in  the  said  manors  of  Melyor's 
Hall,  and  Lether's,  otherwise  Leters,  Hall, 
and  in  the  said  manor  called  Gunvyle  Manor, 
or  to  any  of  them  in  any  way  belonging  or 
appertaining,  or  as  members,  parts,  or  parcels 
of  the  same  manors,  or  any  one  of  them, 
being  now  or  in  time  past  held,  known,  ac- 
cepted, reputed,  demised,  or  located :  And 
also  those  our  two  messuages  and  tenements, 
with  their  appurtenances,  called  Chelynges 
and  Tyes,  now  formed  into  one  messuage, 
and  one  garden  adjacent  to  the  same  ;  with 
all  their  appurtenances,  formerly  belonging 
to  John  Braybroke,  and  lately  parcel  of  the 
said  lands,  possessions,  and  revenues  of  the 
said  Bobert  Knyght,  otherwise  called  Bobert 
Kett,  existing,  situate,  lying,  and  being  in 
the  village  called  Cakewyke,  in  Wymondham, 
otherwise  called  Wyndham,  aforesaid,  between 
an  enclosure  belonging  to  the  late  Abbot 
and  Convent  of  the  late  monastery  of  the 
Blessed  Mary,  in  Wymondham  aforesaid, 
called  Wygmore,  on  the  south,  and  the 
King's  highway  on  the  north  ;  and  abutting 
on  the  tenement  of  the  late  Simon  Sawer  and 
the  ditched-in  said  enclosure  called  Wyg- 
more, towards  the  east ;  and  on  the  tenement 
and  garden  of  the  late  Margaret  Braybroke, 
formerly  belonging  to  Richard  Duckelyng, 



regiam  viam  ex  parte  aquilonari,  ac  abut- 
tantia  super  tenementum  nuper  Simonis 
Sawer  et  fossatutn  dictum  inclusum 
vocatum  Wygmore  versus  orientem,  et 
super  tenementum  et  hortum  nuper  Mar- 
garet* Graybroke  et  quondam  Bicardi 
Duckelyng  versus  occidentem :  Necnon 
totamillam  peciam  terras  arrabilis  jacentem 
in  Wymondham  prsedicto,  in  campo  vocato 
Cakewyke  felde  apud  Marlepittes,  conti- 
nentem  per  sestimacionem  unam  acram  ac 
nuper  parcellam  dictarum  possessionum 
et  revencionum  dicti  Eoberti  Knyght 
alias  Kett  existentem  :  Ac  etiain  reversi- 
onem  et  reversiones  prsedictorum  maneri- 
orum  et  eorum  cujuslibet  ac  omnium  et 
singulorum  praedictorum  mesuagiorum, 
terrarum,  tenementorum  et  cseterorum 
omnium  et  singulorum  prsernissorum,  cum 
eorum  pertinentiis  universis:  Ac  omnes 
et  singulos  redditus,  revenciones,  et 
cseteras  annuales  proficuas  quascumque 
de,  in,  vel  super  quibuscumque  dimissio- 
nibus  seu  concessionibus  praemissorum 
aut  alicujus  inde  parcellse  factis,reservatas: 
Necnon  omnia  et  singula  alia  maneria, 
mesuagia,  terras,  tenementa,  redditus,  re- 
venciones, servicia  et  ceetera  hereditamenta 
nostra  quaecumque  cum  eorum  pertinentiis 
universis  in  Wymondham  praedicto  ac 
alibi  in  dicto  comitatu  nostro  Norffolciense 
seu  infra  regnum  nostrum  Angliae  dicto 
Eoberto  Knyght  alias  dicto  Eoberto  Kett, 
spectantibus  et  pertinentibus,  ac  parcellam 
possessionum,  proficuorum,  hereditamen- 
torum,  seu  revencionum  dicti  Eoberti  Kett 
existentem ;  Adeo  plene,  libere,  et  integre, 
ac  in  tarn  aniplis  modo  et  forma  prout 
dictus  Eobertus  Knyght  alias  dictus 
Robertas  Kett,  aut  aliquis  alius  vel  aliqui 
alii  prsemissa  aut  aliquam  inde  parcellam 
antehac  habentes  sive  possidentes  aut 
seisiti  inde  existentes  aliquo  tempore 

towards  the  west :  Also,  all  that  piece  of 
arable  land  lying  in  Wymondham  aforesaid, 
in  the  field  called  "  Cakewyke  Felde  at  the 
Marlepittes,"  containing  by  estimation  one 
acre,  and  being  lately  parcel  of  the  said  pos- 
sessions and  revenues  of  the  said  Eobert 
Knyght,  otherwise  Kett :  And  also  the  rever- 
sion and  reversions  of  the  aforesaid  manors, 
and  every  of  them,  and  of  all  and ,  singular 
the  aforesaid  messuages,  lands,  tenements, 
&c.,  of  all  and  singular  the  prsemises,  with 
all  their  appurtenances :  And  all  and  sin- 
gular the  rents,  revenues,  and  other  annual 
profits  whatsoever,  of,  in,  or  upon  what- 
soever demises  or  grants  of  the  aforesaid, 
or  any  parcel  thereof,  made  or  reserved : 
Also  all  and  singular  other  manors,  mes- 
suages, lands,  tenements,  rents,  revenues, 
services,  and  all  other  our  hereditaments 
whatsoever,  with  all  their  appurtenances,  in 
Wymondham  aforesaid,  and  elsewhere  in  our 
said  county  of  Norfolk,  or  within  our  king- 
dom of  England,  to  the  said  Eobert  Knyght, 
otherwise  called  Eobert  Kett,  belonging  or 
appertaining,  and  being  parcel  of  the  posses- 
sions, profits,  hereditaments,  or  revenues  of 
the  said  Eobert  Kett ;  As  fully,  freely,  and 
entirely,  and  in  as  full  manner  and  form,  as 
the  said  Eobert  Knyght,  otherwise  called 
Eobert  Kett,  or  any  other  or  others  in  time 
past  having  or  possessing  the  praemises,  or 
any  parcel  thereof,  or  being  seised  thereof  at 
any  time  before  the  attainder  and  conviction 
of  the  said  Eobert,  had,  held,  or  enjoyed  the 
aforesaid  manors, messuages, lands,  tenements, 
and  the  other  prsemises ;  or  ought  to  have 
had,  held,  or  enjoyed  them  :  And  as  fully, 
freely,  and  entirely,  and  in  as  full  manner 
and  form  as  all  and  singular  of  them,  into  our 
hands,  by  reason  and  pretext  of  the  attainder 
and  conviction  of  the  said  Eobert  Knyght, 
otherwise  called  Eobert  Kett,  or  in  any  other 
way  whatsoever,  have  come  or  ought  to  have 



ante  attincturam  et  conviccionem  dicti 
Eoberti  preedicta  maneria,mesuagia,  terras, 
tenementa  et  csetera  prsemissa,  aut  aliquam 
inde  parcellam,  habuit,  tenuit,  vel  gaviaus 
fuit,  habuerunt,  tenuerunt,  vel  gavisi 
fuerunt ;  seu  habere,  teaere,  vel  gaudere, 
debuit  aut  debuerunt ;  Et  adeo  plene, 
libere  et  integre,  ac  in  tarn  amplis  modo 
et  forma  prout  ea  omnia  et  singula 
ad  manus  nostras  ratione  et  prastextu 
attincturse  et  conviccionis  dicti  Bo- 
berti  Knyght,  alias  dicti  Eoberti  Kett, 
aut  aliter  quocumque  modo  devenerunt 
seu  devenire  debuerunt,  ac  in  manibus 
nostris  jam  existunt  aut  existere  debent ; 
Qua?  quidem  maneria,  mesuagia,  terra, 
tenementa  et  praamissa  cum  pertinentiis 
modo  extendunt  adclarum  annuum  valorem 
quadraginta  marcarum,  habendum,  tenen- 
dum  et  gaudendum  prsedicta  maneria, 
mesuagia,  terras,  tenementa,  redditus, 
revenciones,  servicia,  boscos,  subboscos, 
curias  letas,  visum  ffranci  plegi,  ac  cetera 
omnia  et  singula  prsemissa  cum  eorum 
pertinentiis  universis  prsefato  Thomae 
Audeley  heredibus  suis  in  perpetuum,  ad 
proprium  opus  et  usum  ipsius  Thomse 
Audeley  heredum  et  assignatorum  suorum 
in  perpetuum  tenendumde  nobis,  heredibus 
et  successoribus  nostris  in  socagio,  ut  de 
manerio  nostro  de  Cossey  in  dicto  comi- 
tatu  nostro  Norffolciense,  per  fidelitatem 
tantum,  et  non  in  capite,  pro  omnibus 
redditibus,  serviciis  et  demaundis  quibus- 
cumque  proinde  nobis,  heredibus  vel  suc- 
cessoribus nostris  quoquo  modo  reddendis, 
solvendis  vel  faciendis.  Damus  etiam  pro 
consideratione  prsedicta  ac  ex  certa  scientia 
et  mero  motu  nostro  de  avisamento  prae- 
dicto  per  prsesentes  concedimus  prsefato 
Thomae  Audeley  omnia  et  singula  exitus, 
redditus,  revenciones  et  proficua  omnium 
et  singulorum  prsemissorum  et  ejuslibet 

come,  and  are  now  in  our  hands,  or  ought  to 
be ;  Which  manors,  messuages,  lands,  tene- 
ments, and  premises,  with  their  appurte- 
nances, now  reach  the  clear  annual  value  of 
forty  marks ;  To  have,  hold,  and  enjoy  the 
aforesaid  manors,  messuages,  lauds,  tene- 
ments, rents,  revenues,  services,  woods, 
under- woods,  courts  leet,  view  of  frank-pledge, 
and  all  and  singular  other  the  praemises,  with 
all  their  appurtenances,  to  Thomas  Audeley, 
his  heirs,  for  ever,  to  the  proper  use  and 
benefit  of  Thomas  Audeley  himself,  bis  heirs 
and  assigns  for  ever,  to  hold  them  of  us,  our 
heirs  and  successors,  in  soccage,  as  of  our 
manor  of  Costessey,  in  our  said  county  of 
Norfolk,  by  fealty  only,  and  not  in  capite,  in 
lieu  of  all  rents,  services,  and  demands  what- 
soever therefore  to  us,  our  heirs  and  succes- 
sors, in  any  way  to  be  rendered,  paid  or  done. 
We  give  also,  for  the  consideration  aforesaid, 
and  of  certain  knowledge,  and  of  our  own 
free-will,  by  the  advice  aforesaid,  by  these 
presents,  We  grant  to  the  aforesaid  Thomas 
Audeley  all  and  singular  the  outgoings,  rents, 
revenues,  and  profits  of  all  and  singular  the 
premises,  and  of  every  parcel  thereof,  from 
the  time  when  the  aforesaid  manors,  mes- 
suages, lands,  tenements,and  prsemises  came, 
or  ought  to  have  come,  into  our  hands,  up  to 
the  present  time  due  or  accruing  due :  Also  all 
and  singular  the  goods,  chattels,  as  well  real 
as  personal,  implements,  debts,  and  all  sums 
of  money  whatsoever  of  the  aforesaid  late 
Eobert  Knyght,  otherwise  Kett,  or  to  the 
same  Eobert  before  his  attainder  in  any  way 
due,  belonging,  or  appertaining ;  and  to  us  by 
reason  or  pretext  of  the  attainder  and  con- 
viction of  the  same  Eobert  in  any  way  due, 
belonging,  or  appertaining,  or  seised  for  our 
use,  or  being  in  our  hands,  as  well  within  the 
said  county  of  Norfolk,  as  elsewhere  within 
our  realm  of  England,  wherever  they  may  be 
or  may  be  found,  to  be  held  by  the  same 



inde  parcellse  a  tempore  quo  prsedicta 
maneria,  mesuagia,  terrse,  tenementa,  &c. 
prsemissa  ad  manus  nostras  devenerunt 
seu  devenire  debuerunt  hucusque  prove- 
nientia  sive  crescentia:  Necnon  omnia 
et  singula  bona,  catalla,  tarn  realia  quam 
personalia,  implementa,  debita,  et  pecuni- 
arum  summas  quascumque  prsedicti  nuper 
Eoberti  Knyght  alias  Kett,  aut  eidem 
Eoberto  ante  attincturam  suam  quoquo 
modo  debita,  spectantia,  sive  pertineutia ; 
Ac  nobis  ratione  et  praetextu  attinctura? 
et  conviccionis  ejusdem  Eoberti  aliquo 
modo  debita,  spectantia,  sive  pertinentia, 
vel  ad  usum  nostrum  seisita  seu  in  mani- 
bus  nostria  existentia  tarn  infra  dictum 
comitatum  Norffolciensem  quam  alibi 
infra  regnum  nostrum  Anglise  ubicumque 
sint  seu  inventa  fuerint,  habendum  eidem 
Thoih89  Audeley  ex  dono  nostro  absque 
compoto  seu  aliquo  alio  proinde  nobis, 
heredibus,  vel  successoribus  nostris  aliquo 
modo  reddendo,  solvendo,  vel  faciendo! 
Ac  etiam  volumus  pro  consideracione  prse- 
dicta ac  de  avisamento  praedicto  per  prse- 
sentes  concedimus  prssfato  Thomm  Audeley 
quod  habeat  et  habebit  has  literas  nostras 
patentes  sub  magno  sigillo  nostro  Anglise 
debito  modo  factas  et  sigillatas  absque  fine 
seu  feodo  magno  vel  parvo  nobis  in  hana- 
perio  nostro  seu  alibi  ad  usum  nostrum 
quoquo  modo  reddendo,  solvendo,  vel 
faciendo,  eo  quod  expressa  mentio,  &c. 

In  cujus  rei  Teste  Eege  apud  Westm. 
xviij  die  Maii  [1550]. 

(Per  breve  de  privato  sigillo.) 

Thomas  Audeley  of  our  gift,  without  any 
fine,  or  any  other  payment  therefore  to  us, 
our  heirs  and  successors,  to  be  returned, 
paid,  or  made  ;  And  also  we  will,  for  the  con- 
sideration aforesaid,  and  by  the  advice  afore- 
said, by  these  presents,  "We  grant  to  the 
aforesaid  Thomas  Audeley  that  he  have  and 
shall  have  these  our  Letters  Patent,  under 
our  Great  Seal  of  England,  in  due  form  made 
and  sealed,  without  fine  or  fee,  great  or  small, 
to  us,  in  our  Hanaper,  or  elsewhere  for  our 
use,  in  any  way  to  be  returned,  paid,  or  done, 
because  express  mention,  &c. 

In  testimony  whereof  witness  the  King 
at  Westminster,  May  18th,  [1550]. 

By  writ  of  Privy  Seal. 

THE    END. 




I  . 

•"WV'K/O-  t*t.  ^ 






Russell,  Frederic  William 
Kett's  rebellion  in 


DATE;       J  *  1987(